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AndrewMcCormickProject 31 - 20 Apr 2010 - Main.AndrewMcCormick
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-- AndrewMcCormick - 13 Nov 2009 | | | 7. Sidebar of Related Projects. | |
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< | 8. Attachments. | >
> | 8. Continuing the Project.
9. Attachments. | | |
This genesis of my curiosity about character and fitness standards was an online article discussing whether excessive student debt could be a disqualifying character and fitness criteria. As colossal student debt loads are a recent phenomenon, character and fitness must be an evolving standard. The professional expectations of lawyers and popular views of lawyers character as a class have, I suspect, changed over time. I suspect historical investigation of character and fitness as professional concept will contribute to understanding the legal profession in America. To state my question broadly, I wish to explore how character and fitness of lawyers, as professional and social standards, have shaped the legal profession in America. I will begin with comments on the legal profession, such as de Tocqueville, and then explore documents within the legal profession, such as bar examiners' guides and case law in order to (1) explore the history of character as a professional credential and (2) to search out historic applications of character and fitness standards. | | | The English system suggests informal character selection. In Britain solicitors received training and eduction by apprenticeship, usually in their teens. One can hardly imagine a solicitor not considering character in selecting a student to work in his office for two years. The Inns of Court, which provided barristers with accreditation, required presence at meals and casual debates over a number of days in the year; again, one can hardly imagine the Inns not basing admission on partially on character, and law was a respected profession. The British program did not fully transplant itself across the Atlantic, and neither did accompanying respect for law as a profession. For more information on the early legal apprentice education in America, and subsequent development of law departments in colleges and eventually law schools, see Hamlin, attached in full below. | |
<
< | In early America, lawyers were unwelcome. The practice was viewed as unnecessary and even evil. The Body of Liberties of Massachusetts Bay, 1641, interestingly prohibited legal representatives from taking fees in section 26. Similarly, the 1669 Fundamental Constitutions of the Carolinas' article 70 proclaims practicing law for money as "base and vile". Disdain for lawyers was not limited to legislatures, the public held them in disdain as well. J. McMaster, A History of the People of The United States: From the Revolution to the Civil War (1927) "With the merchants, in the condemnation of the multitude, were joined the lawyers. Indeed, of the two classes, the members of the bar were the more hated and despised. The mere sight of a lawyer as he hurried along the street was enough to call forth an oath or a muttered curse from the louts who hung round the tavern... They were denounced as banditti, as blood-suckers, as pick-pockets, as wind-bags, as smooth-tongued rogues." In "The Rise of the Legal Profession in America" Chroust suggests that American's dislike for all things English and haphazard nature of the unformed law contributed to this antipathy (Chroust I, 5, attached below). However, a more persuasive argument is economic: lawyers were "the lawyer was most unpopular, not to say despised, in the "debtor areas," while in the "creditor areas" he was... at least welcomed" (Chroust II, 14). It is easy to imagine the reputation of lawyers tracks debtors rights, and before tenants' and debtors' rights developed lawyers would be unpopular.. (as an aside, an interesting side project would be investigating early letters and publications targeting lawyers - if anyone's interested, beginning with Benjamin Austin's letters signed "Honestus" might be a starting point. I find it especially interesting the he argued that lawyers would threaten the Republic if allowed to serve in public office. He also wrote entertaining, rambling anti-lawyer poetry. If interested see Chroust I, FN53, Vermont Gazette Feb. 28 1786, et al). | >
> | Historians take pleasure in arguing that in early America, lawyers were unwelcome. The practice was, at some times and in some places, viewed as unnecessary and even evil. The Body of Liberties of Massachusetts Bay, 1641, interestingly prohibited legal representatives from taking fees in section 26. Similarly, the 1669 Fundamental Constitutions of the Carolinas' article 70 proclaims practicing law for money as "base and vile". Disdain for lawyers was not limited to legislatures, the public held them in disdain as well. J. McMaster, A History of the People of The United States: From the Revolution to the Civil War (1927) "With the merchants, in the condemnation of the multitude, were joined the lawyers. Indeed, of the two classes, the members of the bar were the more hated and despised. The mere sight of a lawyer as he hurried along the street was enough to call forth an oath or a muttered curse from the louts who hung round the tavern... They were denounced as banditti, as blood-suckers, as pick-pockets, as wind-bags, as smooth-tongued rogues." In "The Rise of the Legal Profession in America" Chroust suggests that American's dislike for all things English and haphazard nature of the unformed law contributed to this antipathy (Chroust I, 5, attached below). However, a more persuasive argument is economic: lawyers were "the lawyer was most unpopular, not to say despised, in the "debtor areas," while in the "creditor areas" he was... at least welcomed" (Chroust II, 14). It is easy to imagine the reputation of lawyers tracks debtors rights, and before tenants' and debtors' rights developed lawyers would be unpopular.. (as an aside, an interesting side project would be investigating early letters and publications targeting lawyers - if anyone's interested, beginning with Benjamin Austin's letters signed "Honestus" might be a starting point. I find it especially interesting the he argued that lawyers would threaten the Republic if allowed to serve in public office. He also wrote entertaining, rambling anti-lawyer poetry. If interested see Chroust I, FN53, Vermont Gazette Feb. 28 1786, et al). | | | In late 18th century New York, lawyers were not banned but were required to take an oath and provide evidence of their commitment to the United States, and those previously licensed to practice had to make a showing to a jury that they had "conducted himself as a good and zealous friend to the American cause", introducing patriotism as a professional credential, or a facet of the character credential (Chroust II, p7, quoting Laws of the State of New York Passed at the Sessions of the Legislature 155-157). This proved to be a substantial burden, and reduced the New York Supreme Court bar to nine members (although it is unclear how much larger a group these nine were selected from) (Chroust II, p10). | | | | |
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> | Continuing the Project
This project could be fruitfully continued in at least two ways. First, one could spend time in libraries such as the New York Historical Society attempting to find a compelling narrative to lend to this overview. A person, or group of persons, at some specific time or in some specific place that were historically affected by character and fitness standards would be the goal. This would not likely be an easy project, but it would not be an impossible one either, and the secondary sources I provide offer ample room to begin thinking about where to start.
Second, I found that the most readily available historic information pertaining to the character of lawyers was in welcome and graduation addresses to law school. With sensitivity to nuance and a strong understanding of the surrounding historical landscape - charting the course of rhetoric in these kinds of speeches across history could make an interesting project. | | | Sidebar of Related Projects:
(1) The professionalization of legal practice and the varying element of public service in law |
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AndrewMcCormickProject 30 - 15 Apr 2010 - Main.AndrewMcCormick
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-- AndrewMcCormick - 13 Nov 2009 | |
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< | This remains a work in progress - I consider this to be part one of the project and a general overview of my area of interest with a few theories regarding the significance of character and fitness. I plan to revise and add a section of more specific work this semester after spending more time on Hamlin and Chroust, and visiting the NY Historical Society | | | Contents
1. Character and Fitness: a ubiquitous, historically present standard. But a significant one? | | | This genesis of my curiosity about character and fitness standards was an online article discussing whether excessive student debt could be a disqualifying character and fitness criteria. As colossal student debt loads are a recent phenomenon, character and fitness must be an evolving standard. The professional expectations of lawyers and popular views of lawyers character as a class have, I suspect, changed over time. I suspect historical investigation of character and fitness as professional concept will contribute to understanding the legal profession in America. To state my question broadly, I wish to explore how character and fitness of lawyers, as professional and social standards, have shaped the legal profession in America. I will begin with comments on the legal profession, such as de Tocqueville, and then explore documents within the legal profession, such as bar examiners' guides and case law in order to (1) explore the history of character as a professional credential and (2) to search out historic applications of character and fitness standards. | |
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< | A related question is whether character and fitness examination as a portion of bar admission has been used selectively and as a barrier to entry. Realistically, I do not expect to find ‘smoking gun’ evidence of social policy making through character and fitness examination; the mere fact that historical bar exams were orally administered would likely prevent it in early cases. I propose that an interesting question exists of whether bar exam character and fitness standards are a serious hurdle to bar admittance on social grounds, and if they tend to be more or less progressive than widely held norms of the time regarding religion, political affiliation, and potentially homosexuality. I find this question interesting because I can readily imagine reasonable arguments supporting both positions, and scholarship in the field is thin. However, it is likely thin for a reason. | >
> | A related question is whether character and fitness examination as a portion of bar admission has been used selectively and as a barrier to entry. Realistically, I do not expect to find ‘smoking gun’ evidence of social policy making through character and fitness examination; the mere fact that historical bar exams were orally administered would likely prevent it in early cases. I propose that an interesting question exists of whether bar exam character and fitness standards are a serious hurdle to bar admittance on social grounds, and if they tend to be more or less progressive than widely held norms of the time regarding religion, political affiliation, and homosexuality. I find this question interesting because I can readily imagine reasonable arguments supporting both positions, and scholarship in the field is thin. However, it may be thin for a reason. | | |
Character and Fitness: a ubiquitous, historically present standard. But a significant one? | | | Rise of Character as a Professional Credential for Lawyers. | |
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< | The English system suggests informal character selection. In Britain Solicitors received training and eduction by apprenticeship, usually in their teens. One can hardly imagine a solicitor not considering character in selecting a student to work in his office for two years. The Inns of Court, which provided barristers with accreditation, required presence at meals and casual debates over a number of days in the year; again, one can hardly imagine the Inns not basing admission on partially on character, and law was a respected profession. The British program did not fully transplant itself across the Atlantic, and neither did accompanying respect for law as a profession. For more information on the early legal apprentice education in America, and subsequent development of law departments in colleges and eventually law schools, see Hamlin, attached in full below. | >
> | The English system suggests informal character selection. In Britain solicitors received training and eduction by apprenticeship, usually in their teens. One can hardly imagine a solicitor not considering character in selecting a student to work in his office for two years. The Inns of Court, which provided barristers with accreditation, required presence at meals and casual debates over a number of days in the year; again, one can hardly imagine the Inns not basing admission on partially on character, and law was a respected profession. The British program did not fully transplant itself across the Atlantic, and neither did accompanying respect for law as a profession. For more information on the early legal apprentice education in America, and subsequent development of law departments in colleges and eventually law schools, see Hamlin, attached in full below. | | | In early America, lawyers were unwelcome. The practice was viewed as unnecessary and even evil. The Body of Liberties of Massachusetts Bay, 1641, interestingly prohibited legal representatives from taking fees in section 26. Similarly, the 1669 Fundamental Constitutions of the Carolinas' article 70 proclaims practicing law for money as "base and vile". Disdain for lawyers was not limited to legislatures, the public held them in disdain as well. J. McMaster, A History of the People of The United States: From the Revolution to the Civil War (1927) "With the merchants, in the condemnation of the multitude, were joined the lawyers. Indeed, of the two classes, the members of the bar were the more hated and despised. The mere sight of a lawyer as he hurried along the street was enough to call forth an oath or a muttered curse from the louts who hung round the tavern... They were denounced as banditti, as blood-suckers, as pick-pockets, as wind-bags, as smooth-tongued rogues." In "The Rise of the Legal Profession in America" Chroust suggests that American's dislike for all things English and haphazard nature of the unformed law contributed to this antipathy (Chroust I, 5, attached below). However, a more persuasive argument is economic: lawyers were "the lawyer was most unpopular, not to say despised, in the "debtor areas," while in the "creditor areas" he was... at least welcomed" (Chroust II, 14). It is easy to imagine the reputation of lawyers tracks debtors rights, and before tenants' and debtors' rights developed lawyers would be unpopular.. (as an aside, an interesting side project would be investigating early letters and publications targeting lawyers - if anyone's interested, beginning with Benjamin Austin's letters signed "Honestus" might be a starting point. I find it especially interesting the he argued that lawyers would threaten the Republic if allowed to serve in public office. He also wrote entertaining, rambling anti-lawyer poetry. If interested see Chroust I, FN53, Vermont Gazette Feb. 28 1786, et al). |
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AndrewMcCormickProject 29 - 07 Apr 2010 - Main.AndrewMcCormick
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-- AndrewMcCormick - 13 Nov 2009 | | | Character and Fitness: a ubiquitous, historically present standard. But a significant one? | |
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< | Every state bar currently requires some form of character and fitness examination, as do most other countries (Rhode citing The Bar Examiner’s Handbook, S. Duhl 2d ed. 1980 - apparently unavailable online, in need of scanning). For most law students, this means little more than checking that parking tickets are paid; for a smaller number, serious matters prohibit admission to the bar. Typically, issues of fraud and non-disclosure of lesser offenses. Historically, character has been relevant, but the formality and process of assessment, as well as its rigor, has varied. | >
> | Every state bar currently requires some form of character and fitness examination, as do most other countries (Rhode citing The Bar Examiner’s Handbook, S. Duhl 2d ed. 1980.) For most law students, this means little more than checking that parking tickets are paid; for a smaller number, serious matters prohibit admission to the bar. Typically, issues of fraud and non-disclosure of lesser offenses. Historically, character has been relevant, but the formality and process of assessment, as well as its rigor, has varied. | | | Rhode argues that throughout its history and into the present day character and fitness examinations are cultural showpieces, that they have never barred significant numbers of applicants, and rather have been a tool for delay and harassment and a “ritual” undermining the “ideals it seeks to sustain” (Rhode, Legal Ethics, 490-491. See attachment below). Despite her characterization of C&F standards as "showpieces", she argues that "within the American Bar moral character requirements have been a fixed star in an otherwise unsettled regulatory universe... virtue remained a constant prerequisite, in form if not in fact," and "during the course of the study [it became apparent that] bar examiners rarely exclude candidates on grounds of character, and generally report encountering few cases of serious misconduct" (Rhode, Moral Character as a Professional Credential, MoralCharacterCredential, 491.) | |
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< | A cursory look at secondary sources indicates the first litigation over character and fitness standards was during the McCarthy? era, theoretically supporting Rhode's thesis of character as a non-effectual standard. However, historically bar admission proceedings suggest early practices were personal, informal, and less likely to be litigated. Additionally, the screening future lawyers for character issues may take place earlier than bar exams; for example, at the time of gaining an apprenticeship, or upon applying for law school. | >
> | A cursory look at secondary sources indicates the first litigation over character and fitness standards was during the McCarthy era, theoretically supporting Rhode's thesis of character as a non-effectual standard. However, historically bar admission proceedings suggest early practices were personal, informal, and less likely to be litigated. Additionally, screening for character issues may take place earlier than bar exams; for example, at the time of gaining an apprenticeship, or upon applying for law school. | | | Rise of Character as a Professional Credential for Lawyers. | |
<
< | The English system suggests informal character selection. In Britain Solicitors received training and eduction by apprenticeship, usually in their teens. One can hardly imagine a solicitor not considering character in selecting a student to work in his office for two gears. The Inns of Court, which provided barristers with accreditation, required presence at meals and casual debates over a number of days in the year; again, one can hardly imagine the Inns not basing admission on partially on character, and law was a respected profession. The British program did not fully transplant itself across the Atlantic, and neither did accompanying respect for law as a profession. For more information on the early legal education in America, which was apprenticeship, and the development of law departments in colleges and eventually law schools, see Hamlin, attached in full below. | >
> | The English system suggests informal character selection. In Britain Solicitors received training and eduction by apprenticeship, usually in their teens. One can hardly imagine a solicitor not considering character in selecting a student to work in his office for two years. The Inns of Court, which provided barristers with accreditation, required presence at meals and casual debates over a number of days in the year; again, one can hardly imagine the Inns not basing admission on partially on character, and law was a respected profession. The British program did not fully transplant itself across the Atlantic, and neither did accompanying respect for law as a profession. For more information on the early legal apprentice education in America, and subsequent development of law departments in colleges and eventually law schools, see Hamlin, attached in full below. | | | | |
<
< | In early America, lawyers were unwelcome. The practice was viewed as unnecessary and even evil. The Body of Liberties of Massachusetts Bay, 1641, interestingly prohibited legal representatives from taking fees in section 26. Similarly, the 1669 Fundamental Constitutions of the Carolinas' article 70 proclaims practicing law for money as "base and vile". Disdain for lawyers was not limited to legislatures, the public held them in disdain as well. J. McMaster, A History of the People of The United States: From the Revolution to the Civil War (1927) "With the merchants, in the condemnation of the multitude, were joined the lawyers. Indeed, of the two classes, the members of the bar were the more hated and despised. The mere sight of a lawyer as he hurried along the street was enough to call forth an oath or a muttered curse from the louts who hung round the tavern... They were denounced as banditti, as blood-suckers, as pick-pockets, as wind-bags, as smooth-tongued rogues." Chroust suggests that American's dislike for all things English and haphazard nature of the unformed law contributed to this antipathy (Chroust I, p5). However, a more persuasive argument is economic: lawyers were "the lawyer was most unpopular, not to say despised, in the "debtor areas," while in the "creditor areas" he was... at least welcomed" (Chroust II, 14). It is easy to imagine the reputation of lawyers tracks debtors rights, and before tenants' and debtors' rights developed lawyers would be unpopular.. (as an aside, an interesting side project would be investigating early letters and publications targeting lawyers - if anyone's interested, beginning with Benjamin Austin's letters signed "Honestus" might be a starting point. I find it especially interesting the he argued that lawyers would threaten the Republic if allowed to serve in public office. He also wrote entertaining, rambling anti-lawyer poetry. if interested see Chroust I, FN53, Vermont Gazette Feb. 28 1786, et al.) | >
> | In early America, lawyers were unwelcome. The practice was viewed as unnecessary and even evil. The Body of Liberties of Massachusetts Bay, 1641, interestingly prohibited legal representatives from taking fees in section 26. Similarly, the 1669 Fundamental Constitutions of the Carolinas' article 70 proclaims practicing law for money as "base and vile". Disdain for lawyers was not limited to legislatures, the public held them in disdain as well. J. McMaster, A History of the People of The United States: From the Revolution to the Civil War (1927) "With the merchants, in the condemnation of the multitude, were joined the lawyers. Indeed, of the two classes, the members of the bar were the more hated and despised. The mere sight of a lawyer as he hurried along the street was enough to call forth an oath or a muttered curse from the louts who hung round the tavern... They were denounced as banditti, as blood-suckers, as pick-pockets, as wind-bags, as smooth-tongued rogues." In "The Rise of the Legal Profession in America" Chroust suggests that American's dislike for all things English and haphazard nature of the unformed law contributed to this antipathy (Chroust I, 5, attached below). However, a more persuasive argument is economic: lawyers were "the lawyer was most unpopular, not to say despised, in the "debtor areas," while in the "creditor areas" he was... at least welcomed" (Chroust II, 14). It is easy to imagine the reputation of lawyers tracks debtors rights, and before tenants' and debtors' rights developed lawyers would be unpopular.. (as an aside, an interesting side project would be investigating early letters and publications targeting lawyers - if anyone's interested, beginning with Benjamin Austin's letters signed "Honestus" might be a starting point. I find it especially interesting the he argued that lawyers would threaten the Republic if allowed to serve in public office. He also wrote entertaining, rambling anti-lawyer poetry. If interested see Chroust I, FN53, Vermont Gazette Feb. 28 1786, et al). | | | In late 18th century New York, lawyers were not banned but were required to take an oath and provide evidence of their commitment to the United States, and those previously licensed to practice had to make a showing to a jury that they had "conducted himself as a good and zealous friend to the American cause", introducing patriotism as a professional credential, or a facet of the character credential (Chroust II, p7, quoting Laws of the State of New York Passed at the Sessions of the Legislature 155-157). This proved to be a substantial burden, and reduced the New York Supreme Court bar to nine members (although it is unclear how much larger a group these nine were selected from) (Chroust II, p10). | | | Friedman argues that "As soon as... society posed problems for which lawyers had an answer..., layers began to thrive, despite the hostility.", . As the profession grew, one might hypothesize that established lawyers would use character and fitness standards to limit entry to the profession for economic reasons. Alternatively, lawyers may have had class-based motivations; between 1800 and 1900 the class of men composing the profession shifted from the "elite" to middle class and business backgrounds (Friedman), and elite class may have developed character standards as barriers for entry. However, Rhode's empirical research suggests that if were this a motivation, it was an ineffective ploy. | |
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< | A law review article on Hamlin's Legal Education in Colonial New York, New York University Law Quarterly Review 1939, discussed character of lawyers and men of government critically, and commenting on the unprofessional legal system in early America. On the other hand, Alexis de Tocqueville, on Lawyers and Judges, attached a certain importance and conservatism to American lawyers. Interestingly, de Tocqueville observes that "they entertain the same repugnance of the actions of the multitude [as the aristocracy]", suggesting that, despite Hamlin's comments that the legal profession in America was, compared to that of Britian, base and common, America's legal community harbored elitism. | >
> | A law review article on Hamlin's Legal Education in Colonial New York, New York University Law Quarterly Review 1939, discusses character of lawyers and men of government critically, and comments on the unprofessional legal system in early America. On the other hand, Alexis de Tocqueville, on Lawyers and Judges attached a certain importance and conservatism to American lawyers. Interestingly, de Tocqueville observes that "they entertain the same repugnance of the actions of the multitude [as the aristocracy]", suggesting that, despite Hamlin's comments that the legal profession in America was, compared to that of Britian, base and common, America's legal community harbored elitism. | | | George Sharswood, in An Essay on Professional Ethics, 1884, demonstrates the shift from wishing to eliminate the legal profession to a desire to hold it to a high standard, "the things we hold dearest on earth... we confide to the integrity of our legal counsellors[sic] and advocates. Their character must be not only without a stain, but without suspicion." Lawyers became an established fixture of American commerce, and character and fitness standards were present if unused.
During 18th and 19th centuries, bar examinations were orally administered before a judge, and according The Troubling Rise of the Legal Profession's Good Moral Character "in the entire nineteenth century, there were virtually no reported instances in which applicants were banned for their character." Obviously, this invites questions regarding "reported instances". | |
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< | Several instances in a 1907 Yale Law Journal article suggest that bar admissions criteria were severely lax, and one might suppose the ease of entry would extend to character standards. In Kentucky, a candidate who was unable to supply any correct answers to legal questions was admitted on the theory that no one would employ him "anyhow." (Rhode in FN20, quoting Smith, Admission to the Bar in New York, 16 Yale L.J. (1907), attached below as 16_YLJ_514). Chroust thought that same instance, along with one other from the same state and a story from California, demonstrated how "deplorably lax, in the main" bar examinations could be saying: | >
> | Several instances in a 1907 Yale Law Journal article suggest that bar admissions criteria were severely lax, and one might suppose the ease of entry would extend to character standards. In Kentucky, a candidate who was unable to supply any correct answers to legal questions was admitted on the theory that no one would employ him "anyhow" (Rhode in FN20, quoting Smith, Admission to the Bar in New York, 16 Yale L.J. (1907), attached below as 16_YLJ_514). Chroust thought that same instance, along with one other from the same state and a story from California, demonstrated how "deplorably lax, in the main" bar examinations were, noting that: | | |
"In Kentucky a candidate was unable to give one single correct answer. Nevertheless, he was admitted on the ground stated officially by the Court which acted as an examining board that "no one would employ him anyhow." The question of character fitness of another candidate was duly met by the statement of the court that he "had never fought a duel with deadly weapons either in the state or without the state with a citizen of the state [of Kentucky]" (Chroust II, 38). | | | The Uses of "Character and Fitness" as a Bar to Entry: Caselaw. | |
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< | Despite their small number, the cases present cases offer points of interest. The character standard, as taught in modern law school, is that issues of fraud are serious, as are financial crimes or crimes that would be easily committed in the course of legal practice. Other crimes less relevant to legal practice (e.g., assault) are less serious, but dishonesty and non-disclosure regarding even minor crimes are very serious. | >
> | Despite their small number, the cases available offer points of interest. For the non-lawyer it may be useful to know that the character standard, as taught in law school today, is that issues of fraud are serious, as are financial crimes or crimes that would be easily committed in the course of legal practice. Other crimes less relevant to legal practice (e.g., assault) are less serious, but dishonesty and non-disclosure regarding even minor crimes are very serious. | | | Schware v. Board, 353 U.S. 232 involved a New Mexico man's denied entry to the bar on account of failing to show "good moral character." Among other minor crimes, his eight year membership in the communist party, from 1932-1940, was the major concern. The Court established in an 8-0 opinion that character and fitness requirements must comport with the Due Process Clause, and that party membership did not show bad character, especially over a decade later. | | | An 1883 case, Ex Parte Wall, 1077 U.S. 265, discusses a striking case involving a white Florida man who participated - although to what degree is unclear - in removing a black suspect from a jail cell and lynching him in front of a courthouse. The lynch mob participant challenged his bar rejection on character and fitness grounds and prevailed, despite involvement in a serious crime and a symbolic attack on law's legitimacy. | |
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< | | | | The Role of Education in Character and Fitness | |
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< | As discussed above, early lawyers used apprenticeship which we can assume was a filtering device. Hamlin's work (attached at bottom) includes discussion of apprenticeship as well as photographs of hand-written documents contracting apprenticeship. In very early colonial America many attorneys were English trained, and Hamlin extensively outlines the substantial cost of such education. In western states, for a time, "the aversion to the lawyer went so far that almost anyone but a trained lawyer was regarded as a fit person to sit on the bench", and individual study was generally the path to becoming a lawyer and, as the bar examinations were cursory, education's role in determining character and fitness was nonexistent during that period. | >
> | As discussed above, early lawyers used apprenticeship which we may assume was a filtering device. Hamlin's work (attached below) includes discussion of apprenticeship as well as photographs of hand-written documents contracting apprenticeship. In very early colonial America many attorneys were English trained, and Hamlin extensively outlines the substantial cost of such education. As such, in many parts of the country formally trained lawyers were unavailable, but due to lawyers' reputation as a class, this may not have mattered. In western states, for a time, "the aversion to the lawyer went so far that almost anyone but a trained lawyer was regarded as a fit person to sit on the bench". For lawyers in these areas, individual study was generally the path to becoming a lawyer and, as the bar examinations were cursory, education's role in determining character and fitness was nonexistent during that period. | | | | |
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< | After the 19th century, law schools may have been responsible for legal ethics. Law School: legal education in America from the 1850s to the 1980s, Robert Stevens. Partially available here, LegalEd Argues that, at least since modern legal education, with the exception of a very active bar in the early 1950s seeking to exclude left-wing individuals, the bar primarily thought law schools were responsible for the ethics of lawyers (237). This would suggest an interesting and difficult historical project - discovering what the historical standards were for character assessment by law schools during the early and middle 20th century. It is not difficult to imagine that early law schools' admissions practices would serve similar functions of attorneys taking on apprentices, or Inns of Court in their admissions. (if curious, Rhode has surveyed present standards here). | >
> | After the 19th century, law schools may have been responsible for legal ethics. Law School: legal education in America from the 1850s to the 1980s, Robert Stevens. Partially available here, LegalEd Argues that, at least since modern legal education, with the exception of a very active bar in the early 1950s seeking to exclude left-wing individuals, the bar primarily thought law schools were responsible for the ethics of lawyers (237). This would suggest an interesting and difficult historical project - discovering what the historical standards were for character assessment by law schools during the early and middle 20th century. It is not difficult to imagine that early law schools' admissions practices would serve similar functions of attorneys taking on apprentices, or Inns of Court in their admissions. If a reader is curious, Rhode has surveyed present standards here. | | |
Character, Fitness, Race, and Gender. A very short comment. | | | The New York Historical Society | |
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< | I spent a day at the New York Historical Society, digging through manuscripts with a view to finding information on early legal education in New York and related character matters. Unfortunately, they will not allow me to use their book scanner, so I have included bibliographic notes, some (non-comprehensive) summary, and interesting quotations for three documents. | >
> | I spent a day at the New York Historical Society, digging through manuscripts hoping to find information on early legal education in New York and related character matters. Unfortunately, they will not allow me to use their book scanner, so I have included bibliographic notes, some (non-comprehensive) summary, and interesting quotations for three documents instead of the digital copies I would have liked. | | | | |
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< | I might add that for those interested, the Historical Society’s museum library is easy to use, convenient to get to, and free. One can go from a general topic idea to reading original documents very quickly. | >
> | I might add that for those interested, the Historical Society’s museum library is easy to use, convenient to get to, and free. One can go from a general topic idea to reading original documents very quickly. Also, they have a nice exibit on John Brown, which I thought might be especially interesting to law students. | | | Methods of legal education in the state of New York : a paper read before the State Bar Association at its annual meeting held at Albany, N.Y., January 17, 1899
• Author/Creator: Clarence D. Ashley (Clarence Degrand), 1851-1916. |
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AndrewMcCormickProject 28 - 18 Mar 2010 - Main.AndrewMcCormick
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-- AndrewMcCormick - 13 Nov 2009 | | | 5. Character, Fitness, Race, and Gender. A very short comment. | |
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< | 6. Partially Integrated/Otherwise Interesting sources. | >
> | 6. Other Interesting Sources and The New York Historical Society. | | | 7. Sidebar of Related Projects. | | | | |
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< | Partially Integrated/Otherwise Interesting sources | >
> | Other Interesting Sources and the New York Historical Society | | | Gawalt. The Promise of Power: The Emergence of the Legal Profession in Mass. 1760-1840 | | | Lefler, Hugh Talmage. 1956. North Carolina History told by contemporaries. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. | |
>
> | The New York Historical Society
I spent a day at the New York Historical Society, digging through manuscripts with a view to finding information on early legal education in New York and related character matters. Unfortunately, they will not allow me to use their book scanner, so I have included bibliographic notes, some (non-comprehensive) summary, and interesting quotations for three documents.
I might add that for those interested, the Historical Society’s museum library is easy to use, convenient to get to, and free. One can go from a general topic idea to reading original documents very quickly.
Methods of legal education in the state of New York : a paper read before the State Bar Association at its annual meeting held at Albany, N.Y., January 17, 1899
• Author/Creator: Clarence D. Ashley (Clarence Degrand), 1851-1916.
• Publisher: New York City[?]
• Publication Date: 1899
• Description: 16 p. ; 24 cm..
In this speech before the Bar in 1899 Ashley discusses requiring “High School” Academic Regent’s diploma as a minimum before beginning study of law: “At present every youth who tires of the farm or the city counter, seeks to enter a profession because little capital is required…. And thus our profession becomes a general dumping ground, while good farmers or useful clerks become poor lawyers, or else waste valuable time and hard-earned money only to fail”
He forcefully advocates against apprenticeship and for three-year full time study (limiting access to upper classes, presumably.) Ashley then goes into his theory of legal education, and does not substantially touch on issues relevant to my project.
A lecture, introductory to a course of law lectures in Columbia College. Delivered February 2, 1824.
• Author/Creator: James Kent 1763-1847.
• Columbia College (New York, N.Y.)
• Publisher: New York : The College
• Publication Date: 1824
• Description: 23, [1] p. (last page blank) ; 20 cm..
He begins by discussing his purpose – to repay a debt to his profession by offering a strictly utilitarian value to legal education. He asserts that the legal profession plays a central role in life “protecting the rights, securing the property, and promoting the happiness of the people… our private rights depend upon the enlightened and faithful administration o fjustice; and the political liberties of the people are essentially concerned in the character of our laws, and the skill and judgment of those who make them.”
And in order to secure that order, Kent argues we need lawyers who are “properly instructed immoral science, and adorned with the accomplishment of various learning; he must not only have his passions controlled by the discipline of Christian truth…” and “knowledge alone is not sufficient for pure and lasting fame. It is mischievous, and even dangerous, unless it be regulated by moral principle.”
An introductory lecture, introductory to a course of law lectures in Columbia College. Delivered November 17, 1794.
• Author/Creator: James Kent 1763-1847.
• Columbia College (New York, N.Y.)
• Publisher: Francis Childs
• Publication Date: 1794
In this lecture, moral education was given shorter note than in his lecture to follow 30 years later. After discussing matters of law, history, and government essential to legal education, Kent offers that:
“The doctrines of Moral Philosophy for the foundation of Human Laws and must be deemed an essential part of Juridical Education. It is the business of this Science to examine the nature and moral character of Man, the relations he stand in to the Great Author of his being, and to his Fellow-Men; the duties, the rights and happiness resulting from those relations.” | | | Sidebar of Related Projects:
(1) The professionalization of legal practice and the varying element of public service in law |
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AndrewMcCormickProject 26 - 07 Feb 2010 - Main.AndrewMcCormick
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-- AndrewMcCormick - 13 Nov 2009 | |
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< | This remains a work in progress, and is not quite finished draft. I'm considering this to be part one of the project, a general overview of my area of interest, and I plan to revise and add a section of more specific work this semester after spending more time on Hamlin and Chroust, and visiting the NY Historical Society | >
> | This remains a work in progress - I consider this to be part one of the project and a general overview of my area of interest with a few theories regarding the significance of character and fitness. I plan to revise and add a section of more specific work this semester after spending more time on Hamlin and Chroust, and visiting the NY Historical Society | | | Contents
1. Character and Fitness: a ubiquitous, historically present standard. But a significant one? | |
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< | 2. Rise of Character as a Professional Credential for Lawyers: | >
> | 2. Rise of Character as a Professional Credential for Lawyers. | | | | |
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< | 3. The Uses of "Character and Fitness" as a Bar to Entry – Caselaw: | >
> | 3. The Uses of "Character and Fitness" as a Bar to Entry – Caselaw. | | | | |
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< | 4. The Role of Education in Character and Fitness: | >
> | 4. The Role of Education in Character and Fitness. | | | 5. Character, Fitness, Race, and Gender. A very short comment. | |
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< | 6. Partially Integrated/Otherwise Interesting sources: | >
> | 6. Partially Integrated/Otherwise Interesting sources. | | | | |
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< | 7. Sidebar of Related Projects: | >
> | 7. Sidebar of Related Projects. | | | | |
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< | 8. Attachments: | >
> | 8. Attachments. | | | | |
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< | This genesis of my curiosity about character and fitness standards was an online article discussing whether excessive student debt could be a disqualifying character and fitness criteria. As colossal student debt loads are a recent phenomenon, character and fitness must be an evolving standard. The professional expectations of lawyers and popular views of lawyers character as a class have, I suspect, changed over time. I suspect a(n) historical investigation of character and fitness as professional concepts would contribute to understanding the legal profession in America. To state my question broadly, I wish to explore how character and fitness of lawyers, as professional and social standards, have shaped the legal profession in America. I will begin with comments on the legal profession, such as de Tocqueville, and then explore documents within the legal profession, such as bar examiners' guides and case law in order to (1) explore the history of character as a professional credential and (2) to search out historic applications of character and fitness standards. | >
> | This genesis of my curiosity about character and fitness standards was an online article discussing whether excessive student debt could be a disqualifying character and fitness criteria. As colossal student debt loads are a recent phenomenon, character and fitness must be an evolving standard. The professional expectations of lawyers and popular views of lawyers character as a class have, I suspect, changed over time. I suspect historical investigation of character and fitness as professional concept will contribute to understanding the legal profession in America. To state my question broadly, I wish to explore how character and fitness of lawyers, as professional and social standards, have shaped the legal profession in America. I will begin with comments on the legal profession, such as de Tocqueville, and then explore documents within the legal profession, such as bar examiners' guides and case law in order to (1) explore the history of character as a professional credential and (2) to search out historic applications of character and fitness standards. | | | A related question is whether character and fitness examination as a portion of bar admission has been used selectively and as a barrier to entry. Realistically, I do not expect to find ‘smoking gun’ evidence of social policy making through character and fitness examination; the mere fact that historical bar exams were orally administered would likely prevent it in early cases. I propose that an interesting question exists of whether bar exam character and fitness standards are a serious hurdle to bar admittance on social grounds, and if they tend to be more or less progressive than widely held norms of the time regarding religion, political affiliation, and potentially homosexuality. I find this question interesting because I can readily imagine reasonable arguments supporting both positions, and scholarship in the field is thin. However, it is likely thin for a reason. | | | The English system suggests informal character selection. In Britain Solicitors received training and eduction by apprenticeship, usually in their teens. One can hardly imagine a solicitor not considering character in selecting a student to work in his office for two gears. The Inns of Court, which provided barristers with accreditation, required presence at meals and casual debates over a number of days in the year; again, one can hardly imagine the Inns not basing admission on partially on character, and law was a respected profession. The British program did not fully transplant itself across the Atlantic, and neither did accompanying respect for law as a profession. For more information on the early legal education in America, which was apprenticeship, and the development of law departments in colleges and eventually law schools, see Hamlin, attached in full below. | |
<
< | In early America, lawyers were unwelcome. The practice was viewed as unnecessary and even evil. The Body of Liberties of Massachusetts Bay, 1641, fascinatingly prohibited legal representatives from taking fees in section 26. Similarly, the 1669 Fundamental Constitutions of the Carolinas' article 70 proclaims practicing law for money as "base and vile". The disdain for lawyers was not limited to legislatures, the public also held them in disdain. J. McMaster, A History of the People of The United States: From the Revolution to the Civil War (1927) "With the merchants, in the condemnation of the multitude, were joined the lawyers. Indeed, of the two classes, the members of the bar were the more hated and despised. The mere sight of a lawyer as he hurried along the street was enough to call forth an oath or a muttered curse from the louts who hung round the tavern... They were denounced as banditti, as blood-suckers, as pick-pockets, as wind-bags, as smooth-tongued rogues." Chroust suggested a dislike for all things English and haphazard nature of the unformed law contributed to this antipathy (Chroust I, p5). However, a more persuasive argument is economic: lawyers were "the lawyer was most unpopular, not to say despised, in the "bedbtor areas," while in the "creditor areas" he was... at least welcomed" (Chroust II, 14). It is easy to imagine the reputation of lawyers tracks debtors rights. (as an aside, an interesting side project would be investigating early letters and publications targeting lawyers - if anyone's interested, beginning with Benjamin Austin's letters signed "Honestus" might be a starting point. I find it especially interesting the he argued that lawyers, now a common profession for those in government, would threaten the Republic if allowed to serve in office. He also wrote entertaining anti-lawyer poetry, if interested see Chroust I, FN53, Vermont Gazette Feb. 28 1786, et al.) | >
> | In early America, lawyers were unwelcome. The practice was viewed as unnecessary and even evil. The Body of Liberties of Massachusetts Bay, 1641, interestingly prohibited legal representatives from taking fees in section 26. Similarly, the 1669 Fundamental Constitutions of the Carolinas' article 70 proclaims practicing law for money as "base and vile". Disdain for lawyers was not limited to legislatures, the public held them in disdain as well. J. McMaster, A History of the People of The United States: From the Revolution to the Civil War (1927) "With the merchants, in the condemnation of the multitude, were joined the lawyers. Indeed, of the two classes, the members of the bar were the more hated and despised. The mere sight of a lawyer as he hurried along the street was enough to call forth an oath or a muttered curse from the louts who hung round the tavern... They were denounced as banditti, as blood-suckers, as pick-pockets, as wind-bags, as smooth-tongued rogues." Chroust suggests that American's dislike for all things English and haphazard nature of the unformed law contributed to this antipathy (Chroust I, p5). However, a more persuasive argument is economic: lawyers were "the lawyer was most unpopular, not to say despised, in the "debtor areas," while in the "creditor areas" he was... at least welcomed" (Chroust II, 14). It is easy to imagine the reputation of lawyers tracks debtors rights, and before tenants' and debtors' rights developed lawyers would be unpopular.. (as an aside, an interesting side project would be investigating early letters and publications targeting lawyers - if anyone's interested, beginning with Benjamin Austin's letters signed "Honestus" might be a starting point. I find it especially interesting the he argued that lawyers would threaten the Republic if allowed to serve in public office. He also wrote entertaining, rambling anti-lawyer poetry. if interested see Chroust I, FN53, Vermont Gazette Feb. 28 1786, et al.) | | | | |
<
< | In late 18th century New York, lawyers were not banned but were required to take an oath and provide evidence of their commitment to the United States, and those previously licensed to practice had to make a showing to a jury that they had "conducted himself as a good and zealous friend to the American cause", introducing patriotism as a professional credential (Chroust II, p7, quoting Laws of the State of New York Passed at the Sessions of the Legislature 155-157). This proved to be a substantial burden, and reduced the New York Supreme Court bar to nine members (although it is unclear how much larger a group these nine were selected from) (Chroust II, p10). | >
> | In late 18th century New York, lawyers were not banned but were required to take an oath and provide evidence of their commitment to the United States, and those previously licensed to practice had to make a showing to a jury that they had "conducted himself as a good and zealous friend to the American cause", introducing patriotism as a professional credential, or a facet of the character credential (Chroust II, p7, quoting Laws of the State of New York Passed at the Sessions of the Legislature 155-157). This proved to be a substantial burden, and reduced the New York Supreme Court bar to nine members (although it is unclear how much larger a group these nine were selected from) (Chroust II, p10). | | | Character and fitness standards may have been a "showpiece", to borrow Rhode's term, designed to achieve two ends: (1) quell the dislike of lawyers by non-lawyer classes in early America, especially until lawyers became an accepted fixture of American professional culture and (2) to provide some semblance of retaining Britain's elite solicitor class by attempting to give American lawyers elevated personal status. | | | "In Kentucky a candidate was unable to give one single correct answer. Nevertheless, he was admitted on the ground stated officially by the Court which acted as an examining board that "no one would employ him anyhow."The question of character fitness of another candidate was duly met by the statement of the court that he "had never fought a duel with deadly weapons either in the state or without the state with a citizen of the state [of Kentucky]" (Chroust II, 38). | |
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< | He also told a story out of California: | >
> | He recounted a case from California: | | | “In California two “law students,” who had clerked in the same building, had applied for admission to the bar. One day a member of the Supreme Court of California called upon one of the students and announced that he had come to ascertain his professional qualifications. The whole examination consisted in the question: “Is the Legal Tender Act constitutional?” The student replied: "It is" Whereupon the judge observed: “I have just examined your friend in the other office and he says that the Act is unconstitutional, but we need lawyers who are able to answer great constitutional questions so quickly, right or wrong. Your are both admitted" (Chroust II, 38).
The end of 19th and beginning of 20th century saw formalization and stiffening of policies, but number of those denied entry for character reasons remained very small. In 1878 the ABA formed in New York, including formalizing rules for character, "Court of Appeals fixed requirements for preliminary education and proof of character" and required that "as a condition precedent to admission to the Bar, the character of each applicant will be subjected to a scrutiny which will be genuine and not perfunctory." (Smith, Admission to the Bar in New York, 16 Yale L.J. (1907), attached below as 16_YLJ_514). Before that time, there was no code of ethics and education remained informal. See generally, The ABA's Bar History page. | | | (3) The rise of the law firm in America | |
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< | (4) Distrust and Animosity toward lawyers in early America (and perhaps related topics in Quaker tradition) | >
> | (4) Distrust and animosity toward lawyers in early America (and perhaps related topics in Quaker tradition) | | | (5) Women in the American Legal Profession |
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AndrewMcCormickProject 25 - 04 Feb 2010 - Main.AndrewMcCormick
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-- AndrewMcCormick - 13 Nov 2009 | | | Schware v. Board, 353 U.S. 232 involved a New Mexico man's denied entry to the bar on account of failing to show "good moral character." Among other minor crimes, his eight year membership in the communist party, from 1932-1940, was the major concern. The Court established in an 8-0 opinion that character and fitness requirements must comport with the Due Process Clause, and that party membership did not show bad character, especially over a decade later. | |
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< | In Re Application of Stewart - PDF? , 112 Ohio St. 3d 415, was a recent Ohio case to the point of my initial interest; there, the court affirmed the character and fitness board's decision that debt combined with sketchy disclosure was enough to deny admission to the bar. Looking to the facts, his debts were extraordinary, but it appears his behavior and attitude may have been the truer source of the bar's reluctance to admit the applicant.
Ex Parte Wall (with notes), 1077 U.S. 265 (1883) discusses a striking case involving a white Florida man who participated - although to what degree is unclear - in removing a black suspect from a jail cell and lynching him in front of a courthouse. The lynch mob participant challenged his bar rejection on character and fitness grounds and prevailed, despite a very serious crime and a symbolic attack on law's legitimacy. | >
> | In Re Application of Stewart? , 112 Ohio St. 3d 415, was a recent Ohio case to the point of my initial interest; there, the court affirmed the character and fitness board's decision that debt combined with sketchy disclosure was enough to deny admission to the bar. Looking to the facts, his debts were extraordinary, but it appears his behavior and attitude may have been the truer source of the bar's reluctance to admit the applicant. | | | | |
>
> | An 1883 case, Ex Parte Wall, 1077 U.S. 265, discusses a striking case involving a white Florida man who participated - although to what degree is unclear - in removing a black suspect from a jail cell and lynching him in front of a courthouse. The lynch mob participant challenged his bar rejection on character and fitness grounds and prevailed, despite involvement in a serious crime and a symbolic attack on law's legitimacy. | | | |
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AndrewMcCormickProject 24 - 03 Feb 2010 - Main.AndrewMcCormick
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-- AndrewMcCormick - 13 Nov 2009 | | | (3) Alexis De 'I'ocqueville, Democracy in America Vol. I, 283-90 (H. Reeve trans., P. Bradley ed., F. Bowen rev., 1973) Ost ed. 1835). | |
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< | NOTE: I have the following fully scanned and ready to upload, but the files are too large right now:
(1) Rise of the Legal Profession in America (Volume 2), Chroust, University of Okla. 1965.
(2) Legal Education in Colonial New York, P.M. Hamlin | | |
| META FILEATTACHMENT | attachment="16_YLJ_514_1-21-10_1403.pdf" attr="" comment="Smith, 16_YLJ_514" date="1264105276" name="16_YLJ_514_1-21-10_1403.pdf" path="16_YLJ_514_1-21-10_1403.pdf" size="28400" stream="16_YLJ_514_1-21-10_1403.pdf" user="Main.AndrewMcCormick" version="1" |
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| META FILEATTACHMENT | attachment="Export.pdf" attr="" comment="Rhode and Hall" date="1264109195" name="Export.pdf" path="Export.pdf" size="4042691" stream="Export.pdf" user="Main.AndrewMcCormick" version="1" |
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| META FILEATTACHMENT | attachment="Hamlin_appendix_2_onward.pdf" attr="" comment="" date="1265154408" name="Hamlin_appendix_2_onward.pdf" path="D:\Hamlin appendix 2 onward.pdf" size="7337499" stream="D:\Hamlin appendix 2 onward.pdf" user="Main.AndrewMcCormick" version="1" |
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| META FILEATTACHMENT | attachment="Chroust_1.1.pdf" attr="" comment="" date="1265155231" name="Chroust_1.1.pdf" path="D:\Chroust 1.1.pdf" size="9657029" stream="D:\Chroust 1.1.pdf" user="Main.AndrewMcCormick" version="1" |
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| META FILEATTACHMENT | attachment="Chroust_3.pdf" attr="" comment="" date="1265155878" name="Chroust_3.pdf" path="D:\Chroust 3.pdf" size="9365718" stream="D:\Chroust 3.pdf" user="Main.AndrewMcCormick" version="1" |
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| META FILEATTACHMENT | attachment="Chroust_6_(incl._summary_of_book).pdf" attr="" comment="" date="1265156211" name="Chroust_6_(incl._summary_of_book).pdf" path="D:\Chroust 6 (incl. summary of book).pdf" size="2012094" stream="D:\Chroust 6 (incl. summary of book).pdf" user="Main.AndrewMcCormick" version="1" |
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AndrewMcCormickProject 23 - 01 Feb 2010 - Main.AndrewMcCormick
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-- AndrewMcCormick - 13 Nov 2009 | |
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< | This remains a work in progress, and is not quite finished draft. I'm considering this to be part one of the project, a general overview of my area of interest, and I plan to revise and add a section of more specific work this semester after spending more time reading Hamlin and Chroust, and visiting the NY Hist. Soc. | >
> | This remains a work in progress, and is not quite finished draft. I'm considering this to be part one of the project, a general overview of my area of interest, and I plan to revise and add a section of more specific work this semester after spending more time on Hamlin and Chroust, and visiting the NY Historical Society | | | Contents | | | Several instances in a 1907 Yale Law Journal article suggest that bar admissions criteria were severely lax, and one might suppose the ease of entry would extend to character standards. In Kentucky, a candidate who was unable to supply any correct answers to legal questions was admitted on the theory that no one would employ him "anyhow." (Rhode in FN20, quoting Smith, Admission to the Bar in New York, 16 Yale L.J. (1907), attached below as 16_YLJ_514). Chroust thought that same instance, along with one other from the same state and a story from California, demonstrated how "deplorably lax, in the main" bar examinations could be saying: | |
<
< | following two paragraphs need block quoting
"In Kentucky a candidate was unable to give one single correct answer. Nevertheless, he was admitted on the ground stated officially by the Court which acted as an examining board that "no one would employ him anyhow."The question of character fitness of another candidate was duly met by the statement of the court that he "had never fought a duel with deadly weapons either in the state or without the state with a citizen of the state [of Kentucky]" (Chroust II, 38). | >
> | "In Kentucky a candidate was unable to give one single correct answer. Nevertheless, he was admitted on the ground stated officially by the Court which acted as an examining board that "no one would employ him anyhow."The question of character fitness of another candidate was duly met by the statement of the court that he "had never fought a duel with deadly weapons either in the state or without the state with a citizen of the state [of Kentucky]" (Chroust II, 38). | | | He also told a story out of California: | |
<
< | “In California two “law students,” who had clerked in the same building, had applied for admission to the bar. One day a member of the Supreme Court of California called upon one of the students and announced that he had come to ascertain his professional qualifications. The whole examination consisted in the question: “Is the Legal Tender Act constitutional?” The student replied: "It is" Whereupon the judge observed: “I have just examined your friend in the other office and he says that the Act is unconstitutional, but we need lawyers who are able to answer great constitutional questions so quickly, right or wrong. Your are both admitted" (Chroust II, 38). | >
> | “In California two “law students,” who had clerked in the same building, had applied for admission to the bar. One day a member of the Supreme Court of California called upon one of the students and announced that he had come to ascertain his professional qualifications. The whole examination consisted in the question: “Is the Legal Tender Act constitutional?” The student replied: "It is" Whereupon the judge observed: “I have just examined your friend in the other office and he says that the Act is unconstitutional, but we need lawyers who are able to answer great constitutional questions so quickly, right or wrong. Your are both admitted" (Chroust II, 38). | | | The end of 19th and beginning of 20th century saw formalization and stiffening of policies, but number of those denied entry for character reasons remained very small. In 1878 the ABA formed in New York, including formalizing rules for character, "Court of Appeals fixed requirements for preliminary education and proof of character" and required that "as a condition precedent to admission to the Bar, the character of each applicant will be subjected to a scrutiny which will be genuine and not perfunctory." (Smith, Admission to the Bar in New York, 16 Yale L.J. (1907), attached below as 16_YLJ_514). Before that time, there was no code of ethics and education remained informal. See generally, The ABA's Bar History page. |
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AndrewMcCormickProject 22 - 31 Jan 2010 - Main.AndrewMcCormick
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-- AndrewMcCormick - 13 Nov 2009 | |
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< | Although I'm sure it needs no announcing, this project is still a work in progress | >
> | This remains a work in progress, and is not quite finished draft. I'm considering this to be part one of the project, a general overview of my area of interest, and I plan to revise and add a section of more specific work this semester after spending more time reading Hamlin and Chroust, and visiting the NY Hist. Soc.
Contents
1. Character and Fitness: a ubiquitous, historically present standard. But a significant one?
2. Rise of Character as a Professional Credential for Lawyers:
3. The Uses of "Character and Fitness" as a Bar to Entry – Caselaw:
4. The Role of Education in Character and Fitness:
5. Character, Fitness, Race, and Gender. A very short comment.
6. Partially Integrated/Otherwise Interesting sources:
7. Sidebar of Related Projects:
8. Attachments: | | | This genesis of my curiosity about character and fitness standards was an online article discussing whether excessive student debt could be a disqualifying character and fitness criteria. As colossal student debt loads are a recent phenomenon, character and fitness must be an evolving standard. The professional expectations of lawyers and popular views of lawyers character as a class have, I suspect, changed over time. I suspect a(n) historical investigation of character and fitness as professional concepts would contribute to understanding the legal profession in America. To state my question broadly, I wish to explore how character and fitness of lawyers, as professional and social standards, have shaped the legal profession in America. I will begin with comments on the legal profession, such as de Tocqueville, and then explore documents within the legal profession, such as bar examiners' guides and case law in order to (1) explore the history of character as a professional credential and (2) to search out historic applications of character and fitness standards. | | | During 18th and 19th centuries, bar examinations were orally administered before a judge, and according The Troubling Rise of the Legal Profession's Good Moral Character "in the entire nineteenth century, there were virtually no reported instances in which applicants were banned for their character." Obviously, this invites questions regarding "reported instances". | |
<
< | Several instances in a 1907 Yale Law Journal article suggest that bar admissions criteria were severely lax, and one might suppose the ease of entry would extend to character standards. In Kentucky, a candidate who was unable to supply any correct answers to legal questions was admitted on the theory that no one would employ him "anyhow." (Rhode in FN20, quoting Smith, Admission to the Bar in New York, 16 Yale L.J. (1907), attached below as 16_YLJ_514). Chroust thought that same instance, along with one other from the same state and a story from California, demonstrated how "deplorably lax, in the main" bar examinations could be saying, | >
> | Several instances in a 1907 Yale Law Journal article suggest that bar admissions criteria were severely lax, and one might suppose the ease of entry would extend to character standards. In Kentucky, a candidate who was unable to supply any correct answers to legal questions was admitted on the theory that no one would employ him "anyhow." (Rhode in FN20, quoting Smith, Admission to the Bar in New York, 16 Yale L.J. (1907), attached below as 16_YLJ_514). Chroust thought that same instance, along with one other from the same state and a story from California, demonstrated how "deplorably lax, in the main" bar examinations could be saying: | | | following two paragraphs need block quoting
"In Kentucky a candidate was unable to give one single correct answer. Nevertheless, he was admitted on the ground stated officially by the Court which acted as an examining board that "no one would employ him anyhow."The question of character fitness of another candidate was duly met by the statement of the court that he "had never fought a duel with deadly weapons either in the state or without the state with a citizen of the state [of Kentucky]" (Chroust II, 38). | | | The end of 19th and beginning of 20th century saw formalization and stiffening of policies, but number of those denied entry for character reasons remained very small. In 1878 the ABA formed in New York, including formalizing rules for character, "Court of Appeals fixed requirements for preliminary education and proof of character" and required that "as a condition precedent to admission to the Bar, the character of each applicant will be subjected to a scrutiny which will be genuine and not perfunctory." (Smith, Admission to the Bar in New York, 16 Yale L.J. (1907), attached below as 16_YLJ_514). Before that time, there was no code of ethics and education remained informal. See generally, The ABA's Bar History page. | |
<
< | | | | The Uses of "Character and Fitness" as a Bar to Entry: Caselaw. | |
<
< | Despite their small number, the cases present cases offer points of interest. The common standard, as taught in law schools, is that issues of fraud are serious, as are financial crimes or crimes that would be easily committed in the course of legal practice. Other crimes less relevant to legal practice (e.g., assault) are less serious, but dishonesty and problems with disclosure regarding even minor crimes are also very serious. | >
> | Despite their small number, the cases present cases offer points of interest. The character standard, as taught in modern law school, is that issues of fraud are serious, as are financial crimes or crimes that would be easily committed in the course of legal practice. Other crimes less relevant to legal practice (e.g., assault) are less serious, but dishonesty and non-disclosure regarding even minor crimes are very serious. | | | Schware v. Board, 353 U.S. 232 involved a New Mexico man's denied entry to the bar on account of failing to show "good moral character." Among other minor crimes, his eight year membership in the communist party, from 1932-1940, was the major concern. The Court established in an 8-0 opinion that character and fitness requirements must comport with the Due Process Clause, and that party membership did not show bad character, especially over a decade later. | | |
The Role of Education in Character and Fitness | |
<
< | Early lawyers used apprenticeship which was a filtering device... (rhode, et al) | >
> | As discussed above, early lawyers used apprenticeship which we can assume was a filtering device. Hamlin's work (attached at bottom) includes discussion of apprenticeship as well as photographs of hand-written documents contracting apprenticeship. In very early colonial America many attorneys were English trained, and Hamlin extensively outlines the substantial cost of such education. In western states, for a time, "the aversion to the lawyer went so far that almost anyone but a trained lawyer was regarded as a fit person to sit on the bench", and individual study was generally the path to becoming a lawyer and, as the bar examinations were cursory, education's role in determining character and fitness was nonexistent during that period. | | | | |
<
< | After the 19th century, law schools may have been responsible for legal ethics. Law School: legal education in America from the 1850s to the 1980s, Robert Stevens. Partially available here, LegalEd Argues that, at least since modern legal education, with the exception of a very active bar in the early 1950s seeking to exclude left-wing individuals, the bar primarily thought law schools were responsible for the ethics of lawyers (237). This would suggest an interesting and difficult historical project - discovering what the historical standards were for character assessment by law schools during the early and middle 20th century (if curious, Rhode has surveyed present standards here). | >
> | After the 19th century, law schools may have been responsible for legal ethics. Law School: legal education in America from the 1850s to the 1980s, Robert Stevens. Partially available here, LegalEd Argues that, at least since modern legal education, with the exception of a very active bar in the early 1950s seeking to exclude left-wing individuals, the bar primarily thought law schools were responsible for the ethics of lawyers (237). This would suggest an interesting and difficult historical project - discovering what the historical standards were for character assessment by law schools during the early and middle 20th century. It is not difficult to imagine that early law schools' admissions practices would serve similar functions of attorneys taking on apprentices, or Inns of Court in their admissions. (if curious, Rhode has surveyed present standards here). | | |
Character, Fitness, Race, and Gender. A very short comment. | |
<
< | I initially suspected that character and fitness could be used as a proxy for racial, religious, or gender values. This may have been short sighted, as until relatively late in American history women and minorities were flatly barred from entering the legal profession, rendering character and fitness a needless proxy, if it was one. With regard to religion, there are instances (see Rhode below) of denying entry for, among other qualms, not having defined thoughts on religion, but there religion was being used as a character and fitness standard, in full public light. | >
> | As mentioned, I initially suspected that character and fitness standards could be used as a proxy for racial, religious, or gender values. This may have been short sighted, as until relatively late in American history women and minorities were flatly barred from entering the legal profession, rendering character and fitness a needless proxy, if it was one. With regard to religion, there are instances (see Rhode below) of denying entry for, among other qualms, not having defined thoughts on religion, but there religion was being used as a character and fitness standard, in full public light. | | | |
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AndrewMcCormickProject 21 - 31 Jan 2010 - Main.AndrewMcCormick
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-- AndrewMcCormick - 13 Nov 2009 | | | Every state bar currently requires some form of character and fitness examination, as do most other countries (Rhode citing The Bar Examiner’s Handbook, S. Duhl 2d ed. 1980 - apparently unavailable online, in need of scanning). For most law students, this means little more than checking that parking tickets are paid; for a smaller number, serious matters prohibit admission to the bar. Typically, issues of fraud and non-disclosure of lesser offenses. Historically, character has been relevant, but the formality and process of assessment, as well as its rigor, has varied. | |
<
< | Rhode argues that, throughout its history and into the present day, character and fitness examinations are cultural showpieces, that they have never barred significant numbers of applicants, and rather have been a tool for delay and harassment and a “ritual” undermining the “ideals it seeks to sustain” (Rhode, Legal Ethics, 490-491. See attachment below). Despite her characterization of C&F standards as "showpieces", she argues that "within the American Bar moral character requirements have been a fixed star in an otherwise unsettled regulatory universe... virtue remained a constant prerequisite, in form if not in fact," and "during the course of the study [it became apparent that] bar examiners rarely exclude candidates on grounds of character, and generally report encountering few cases of serious misconduct" (Rhode, Moral Character as a Professional Credential, MoralCharacterCredential, 491.) | >
> | Rhode argues that throughout its history and into the present day character and fitness examinations are cultural showpieces, that they have never barred significant numbers of applicants, and rather have been a tool for delay and harassment and a “ritual” undermining the “ideals it seeks to sustain” (Rhode, Legal Ethics, 490-491. See attachment below). Despite her characterization of C&F standards as "showpieces", she argues that "within the American Bar moral character requirements have been a fixed star in an otherwise unsettled regulatory universe... virtue remained a constant prerequisite, in form if not in fact," and "during the course of the study [it became apparent that] bar examiners rarely exclude candidates on grounds of character, and generally report encountering few cases of serious misconduct" (Rhode, Moral Character as a Professional Credential, MoralCharacterCredential, 491.) | | | | |
<
< | A cursory look at secondary sources indicates the first litigation over character and fitness standards was during the McCarthy? era, theoretically supporting Rhode's thesis of character as a non-effectual standard. However, the historical track of admission suggests early practices were personal, informal, and less likely to be litigated. Additionally, the screening future lawyers for character issues may take place earlier than bar exams; for example, at the time of gaining an apprenticeship, or upon applying for law school. | >
> | A cursory look at secondary sources indicates the first litigation over character and fitness standards was during the McCarthy? era, theoretically supporting Rhode's thesis of character as a non-effectual standard. However, historically bar admission proceedings suggest early practices were personal, informal, and less likely to be litigated. Additionally, the screening future lawyers for character issues may take place earlier than bar exams; for example, at the time of gaining an apprenticeship, or upon applying for law school. | | |
Rise of Character as a Professional Credential for Lawyers. | |
<
< | The English system suggests informal character selection. In Britain Solicitors received training and eduction by apprenticeship, usually in their teens. One can hardly imagine a solicitor not considering character in selecting a student to work in his office for two gears. The Inns of Court, which provided barristers with accreditation, required presence at meals and casual debates over a number of days in the year; again, one can hardly imagine the Inns not basing admission on partially on character. The British program did not transplant itself across the Atlantic. | >
> | The English system suggests informal character selection. In Britain Solicitors received training and eduction by apprenticeship, usually in their teens. One can hardly imagine a solicitor not considering character in selecting a student to work in his office for two gears. The Inns of Court, which provided barristers with accreditation, required presence at meals and casual debates over a number of days in the year; again, one can hardly imagine the Inns not basing admission on partially on character, and law was a respected profession. The British program did not fully transplant itself across the Atlantic, and neither did accompanying respect for law as a profession. For more information on the early legal education in America, which was apprenticeship, and the development of law departments in colleges and eventually law schools, see Hamlin, attached in full below. | | | | |
<
< | In early America, lawyers were unwelcome. The practice was viewed as unnecessary and even evil. The Body of Liberties of Massachusetts Bay, 1641, fascinatingly prohibited legal representatives from taking fees in section 26. Similarly, the 1669 Fundamental Constitutions of the Carolinas' article 70 proclaims practicing law for money as "base and vile". The disdain for lawyers was not limited to legislatures, the public also held them in disdain. J. McMaster, A History of the People of The United States: From the Revolution to the Civil War (1927) "With the merchants, in the condemnation of the multitude, were joined the lawyers. Indeed, of the two classes, the members of the bar were the more hated and despised. The mere sight of a lawyer as he hurried along the street was enough to call forth an oath or a muttered curse from the louts who hung round the tavern... They were denounced as banditti, as blood-suckers, as pick-pockets, as wind-bags, as smooth-tongued rogues." Chroust suggested a dislike for all things English and haphazard nature of the unformed law contributed to this antipathy (Chroust I, p5). However, a more persuasive argument is economic: lawyers were "the lawyer was most unpopular, not to say despised, in the "bedbtor areas," while in the "creditor areas" he was... at least welcomed" (Chroust I, 14). It is easy to imagine the reputation of lawyers tracks debtors rights. (as an aside, an interesting side project would be investigating early letters and publications targeting lawyers - if anyone's interested, beginning with Benjamin Austin's letters signed "Honestus" might be a starting point. I find it especially interesting the he argued that lawyers, now a common profession for those in government, would threaten the Republic if allowed to serve in office. He also wrote entertaining anti-lawyer poetry, if interested see Chroust I, FN53, Vermont Gazette Feb. 28 1786, et al.) | >
> | In early America, lawyers were unwelcome. The practice was viewed as unnecessary and even evil. The Body of Liberties of Massachusetts Bay, 1641, fascinatingly prohibited legal representatives from taking fees in section 26. Similarly, the 1669 Fundamental Constitutions of the Carolinas' article 70 proclaims practicing law for money as "base and vile". The disdain for lawyers was not limited to legislatures, the public also held them in disdain. J. McMaster, A History of the People of The United States: From the Revolution to the Civil War (1927) "With the merchants, in the condemnation of the multitude, were joined the lawyers. Indeed, of the two classes, the members of the bar were the more hated and despised. The mere sight of a lawyer as he hurried along the street was enough to call forth an oath or a muttered curse from the louts who hung round the tavern... They were denounced as banditti, as blood-suckers, as pick-pockets, as wind-bags, as smooth-tongued rogues." Chroust suggested a dislike for all things English and haphazard nature of the unformed law contributed to this antipathy (Chroust I, p5). However, a more persuasive argument is economic: lawyers were "the lawyer was most unpopular, not to say despised, in the "bedbtor areas," while in the "creditor areas" he was... at least welcomed" (Chroust II, 14). It is easy to imagine the reputation of lawyers tracks debtors rights. (as an aside, an interesting side project would be investigating early letters and publications targeting lawyers - if anyone's interested, beginning with Benjamin Austin's letters signed "Honestus" might be a starting point. I find it especially interesting the he argued that lawyers, now a common profession for those in government, would threaten the Republic if allowed to serve in office. He also wrote entertaining anti-lawyer poetry, if interested see Chroust I, FN53, Vermont Gazette Feb. 28 1786, et al.) | | | | |
<
< | In late 18th century New York, lawyers were not banned but were required to take an oath and provide evidence of their commitment to the United States, and those previously licensed to practice had to make a showing to a jury that they had "conducted himself as a good and zealous friend to the American cause", introducing patriotism as a professional credential (Chroust I, p7, quoting Laws of the State of New York Passed at the Sessions of the Legislature 155-157). This proved to be a substantial burden, and reduced the New York Supreme Court bar to nine members (although it is unclear how much larger a group these nine were selected from) (Chroust I, p10). | >
> | In late 18th century New York, lawyers were not banned but were required to take an oath and provide evidence of their commitment to the United States, and those previously licensed to practice had to make a showing to a jury that they had "conducted himself as a good and zealous friend to the American cause", introducing patriotism as a professional credential (Chroust II, p7, quoting Laws of the State of New York Passed at the Sessions of the Legislature 155-157). This proved to be a substantial burden, and reduced the New York Supreme Court bar to nine members (although it is unclear how much larger a group these nine were selected from) (Chroust II, p10). | | | Character and fitness standards may have been a "showpiece", to borrow Rhode's term, designed to achieve two ends: (1) quell the dislike of lawyers by non-lawyer classes in early America, especially until lawyers became an accepted fixture of American professional culture and (2) to provide some semblance of retaining Britain's elite solicitor class by attempting to give American lawyers elevated personal status. | | | During 18th and 19th centuries, bar examinations were orally administered before a judge, and according The Troubling Rise of the Legal Profession's Good Moral Character "in the entire nineteenth century, there were virtually no reported instances in which applicants were banned for their character." Obviously, this invites questions regarding "reported instances". | |
>
> | Several instances in a 1907 Yale Law Journal article suggest that bar admissions criteria were severely lax, and one might suppose the ease of entry would extend to character standards. In Kentucky, a candidate who was unable to supply any correct answers to legal questions was admitted on the theory that no one would employ him "anyhow." (Rhode in FN20, quoting Smith, Admission to the Bar in New York, 16 Yale L.J. (1907), attached below as 16_YLJ_514). Chroust thought that same instance, along with one other from the same state and a story from California, demonstrated how "deplorably lax, in the main" bar examinations could be saying,
following two paragraphs need block quoting
"In Kentucky a candidate was unable to give one single correct answer. Nevertheless, he was admitted on the ground stated officially by the Court which acted as an examining board that "no one would employ him anyhow."The question of character fitness of another candidate was duly met by the statement of the court that he "had never fought a duel with deadly weapons either in the state or without the state with a citizen of the state [of Kentucky]" (Chroust II, 38).
He also told a story out of California:
“In California two “law students,” who had clerked in the same building, had applied for admission to the bar. One day a member of the Supreme Court of California called upon one of the students and announced that he had come to ascertain his professional qualifications. The whole examination consisted in the question: “Is the Legal Tender Act constitutional?” The student replied: "It is" Whereupon the judge observed: “I have just examined your friend in the other office and he says that the Act is unconstitutional, but we need lawyers who are able to answer great constitutional questions so quickly, right or wrong. Your are both admitted" (Chroust II, 38). | | | The end of 19th and beginning of 20th century saw formalization and stiffening of policies, but number of those denied entry for character reasons remained very small. In 1878 the ABA formed in New York, including formalizing rules for character, "Court of Appeals fixed requirements for preliminary education and proof of character" and required that "as a condition precedent to admission to the Bar, the character of each applicant will be subjected to a scrutiny which will be genuine and not perfunctory." (Smith, Admission to the Bar in New York, 16 Yale L.J. (1907), attached below as 16_YLJ_514). Before that time, there was no code of ethics and education remained informal. See generally, The ABA's Bar History page.
The Uses of "Character and Fitness" as a Bar to Entry: Caselaw. | |
<
< | Despite their small number, the cases present cases offer points of interest. | >
> | Despite their small number, the cases present cases offer points of interest. The common standard, as taught in law schools, is that issues of fraud are serious, as are financial crimes or crimes that would be easily committed in the course of legal practice. Other crimes less relevant to legal practice (e.g., assault) are less serious, but dishonesty and problems with disclosure regarding even minor crimes are also very serious. | | | Schware v. Board, 353 U.S. 232 involved a New Mexico man's denied entry to the bar on account of failing to show "good moral character." Among other minor crimes, his eight year membership in the communist party, from 1932-1940, was the major concern. The Court established in an 8-0 opinion that character and fitness requirements must comport with the Due Process Clause, and that party membership did not show bad character, especially over a decade later. | |
<
< | In Re Application of Stewart - PDF? , 112 Ohio St. 3d 415, was a recent Ohio case to the point of my initial interest; there, the court affirmed the character and fitness board's decision that debt combined with sketchy disclosure was enough to deny admission to the bar. | >
> | In Re Application of Stewart - PDF? , 112 Ohio St. 3d 415, was a recent Ohio case to the point of my initial interest; there, the court affirmed the character and fitness board's decision that debt combined with sketchy disclosure was enough to deny admission to the bar. Looking to the facts, his debts were extraordinary, but it appears his behavior and attitude may have been the truer source of the bar's reluctance to admit the applicant.
Ex Parte Wall (with notes), 1077 U.S. 265 (1883) discusses a striking case involving a white Florida man who participated - although to what degree is unclear - in removing a black suspect from a jail cell and lynching him in front of a courthouse. The lynch mob participant challenged his bar rejection on character and fitness grounds and prevailed, despite a very serious crime and a symbolic attack on law's legitimacy. | | | | |
<
< | Ex Parte Wall (with notes), 1077 U.S. 265 (1883) discusses a white Florida man involved in removing a black suspect from a jail cell and lynching him in front of a courthouse. The lynch mob participant challenged his bar rejection on character and fitness grounds and prevailed. | | | | |
<
< | Although not directly pertaining to character, several instances in a 1907 Yale Law Journal article suggest that bar admissions criteria were severely lax, and one might suppose the ease of entry would extend to character standards. In Kentucky, a candidate who was unable to supply any correct answers to legal questions was admitted on the theory that no one would employ him "anyhow." (Rhode in FN20, quoting Smith, Admission to the Bar in New York, 16 Yale L.J. (1907), attached below as 16_YLJ_514). | | | | | | After the 19th century, law schools may have been responsible for legal ethics. Law School: legal education in America from the 1850s to the 1980s, Robert Stevens. Partially available here, LegalEd Argues that, at least since modern legal education, with the exception of a very active bar in the early 1950s seeking to exclude left-wing individuals, the bar primarily thought law schools were responsible for the ethics of lawyers (237). This would suggest an interesting and difficult historical project - discovering what the historical standards were for character assessment by law schools during the early and middle 20th century (if curious, Rhode has surveyed present standards here). | |
<
< | Character, Fitness, Race, and Gender. | >
> | Character, Fitness, Race, and Gender. A very short comment.
I initially suspected that character and fitness could be used as a proxy for racial, religious, or gender values. This may have been short sighted, as until relatively late in American history women and minorities were flatly barred from entering the legal profession, rendering character and fitness a needless proxy, if it was one. With regard to religion, there are instances (see Rhode below) of denying entry for, among other qualms, not having defined thoughts on religion, but there religion was being used as a character and fitness standard, in full public light. | | | | |
<
< | remaining/partially integrated sources | >
> | Partially Integrated/Otherwise Interesting sources | | | Gawalt. The Promise of Power: The Emergence of the Legal Profession in Mass. 1760-1840 | | | Jason O. Billy
available here: RacistsattheBar | |
<
< | Secondary sources, with relevant portions scanned below as "Rhode and Hall", including direct reproductions of (1) Alexis de Tocqueville "on Lawyers and Judges" 1835, (2) P. W. GRAYSON [peeud.] "Vice Unmasked, an Essay: Being a Consideration of the Influence of Law upon the Moral Essence of Man ..."1830, (3) Alexis De 'I'ocqueville, Democracy in America Vol. I, 283-90 (H. Reeve trans., P. Bradley ed., F. Bowen rev., 1973) Ost ed. 1835).
American Legal History. Hall, Wiecek, Finkelman. Oxford Univ. Press, 1006.
Legal Ethics, Fifth Ed. Rhode, Luban. Foundation Press, 2009.
Interesting sources for those wishing to investigate further:
Rise of the Legal Profession in America (Volumes 1&2), Chroust, University of Okla. 1965. | | | Lefler, Hugh Talmage. 1956. North Carolina History told by contemporaries. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. | | | Lefler, Hugh Talmage. 1956. North Carolina History told by contemporaries. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. | |
<
< |
| | | Sidebar of Related Projects: | |
>
> | (1) The professionalization of legal practice and the varying element of public service in law
(2) Frontier American Lawyers and Legal Practice
(3) The rise of the law firm in America
(4) Distrust and Animosity toward lawyers in early America (and perhaps related topics in Quaker tradition)
(5) Women in the American Legal Profession
(6) Minorities in the American Legal Profession
(7) The Private Debt and the Legal Profession as an Historical Phenomenon (Shays Rebellion; New York rent riots would be a starting point - look to Chroust vol. II at 13 for beginnings) | | | | |
<
< | The professionalization of legal practice and the varying element of public service in law
Frontier American Lawyers and Legal Practice
The rise of the law firm in America
Distrust and Animosity toward lawyers in early America (and perhaps related topics in Quaker tradition) | | | | |
<
< | Women in the American Legal Profession
Minorities in the American Legal Profession | >
> | | | | | |
<
< | The Private Debt and the Legal Profession as an Historical Phenomenon (Shays Rebellion; New York rent riots would be a starting point - look to Chroust at 13 for beginnings) | | | | |
>
> |
- Export.pdf: American Legal History. Hall, Wiecek, Finkelman. Oxford Univ. Press, 1006.
Legal Ethics, Fifth Ed. Rhode, Luban. Foundation Press, 2009, including reproductions of
(1) Alexis de Tocqueville "on Lawyers and Judges" 1835,
(2) P. W. GRAYSON [peeud.] "Vice Unmasked, an Essay: Being a Consideration of the Influence of Law upon the Moral Essence of Man ..."1830,
(3) Alexis De 'I'ocqueville, Democracy in America Vol. I, 283-90 (H. Reeve trans., P. Bradley ed., F. Bowen rev., 1973) Ost ed. 1835). | | | | |
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< | | | | | |
<
< | | >
> | NOTE: I have the following fully scanned and ready to upload, but the files are too large right now:
(1) Rise of the Legal Profession in America (Volume 2), Chroust, University of Okla. 1965.
(2) Legal Education in Colonial New York, P.M. Hamlin | | |
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AndrewMcCormickProject 20 - 31 Jan 2010 - Main.AndrewMcCormick
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-- AndrewMcCormick - 13 Nov 2009 | | | George Sharswood, in An Essay on Professional Ethics, 1884, demonstrates the shift from wishing to eliminate the legal profession to a desire to hold it to a high standard, "the things we hold dearest on earth... we confide to the integrity of our legal counsellors[sic] and advocates. Their character must be not only without a stain, but without suspicion." Lawyers became an established fixture of American commerce, and character and fitness standards were present if unused. | |
<
< | During 18th and 19th centuries, bar examinations were orally administered before a judge, and according The Troubling Rise of the Legal Profession's Good Moral Character "in the entire nineteenth century, there were virtually no reported instances in which applicants were banned for their character." (Comment on notes not played? Thelonious Monk? Look to the importance of "reported instances"?) | >
> | During 18th and 19th centuries, bar examinations were orally administered before a judge, and according The Troubling Rise of the Legal Profession's Good Moral Character "in the entire nineteenth century, there were virtually no reported instances in which applicants were banned for their character." Obviously, this invites questions regarding "reported instances". | | | | |
<
< | End of 19th and beginning of 20th century saw formalization and stiffening, but number of those denied entry for character reasons remained very small. In 1878 the ABA formed in New York, including formalizing rules for character, "Court of Appeals fixed requirements for preliminary education and proof of character" and required that "as a condition precedent to admission to the Bar, the character of
each applicant will be subjected to a scrutiny which will be genuine and not perfunctory." (Smith, Admission to the Bar in New York, 16 Yale L.J. (1907), attached below as 16_YLJ_514). Before that time, there was no code of ethics and education remained informal. See generally, The ABA's Bar History page. | >
> | The end of 19th and beginning of 20th century saw formalization and stiffening of policies, but number of those denied entry for character reasons remained very small. In 1878 the ABA formed in New York, including formalizing rules for character, "Court of Appeals fixed requirements for preliminary education and proof of character" and required that "as a condition precedent to admission to the Bar, the character of each applicant will be subjected to a scrutiny which will be genuine and not perfunctory." (Smith, Admission to the Bar in New York, 16 Yale L.J. (1907), attached below as 16_YLJ_514). Before that time, there was no code of ethics and education remained informal. See generally, The ABA's Bar History page. | | | | | | Despite their small number, the cases present cases offer points of interest. | |
<
< | Schware v. Board, 353 U.S. 232 involves a New Mexico man's denied entry to the bar on account of failing to show "good moral character." In question was, among minor crimes, his eight year membership in the communist party, from 1932-1940. The Court established in an 8-0 opinion that character and fitness requirements must comport with the Due Process Clause, and that party membership did not show bad character, especially over a decade later. | >
> | Schware v. Board, 353 U.S. 232 involved a New Mexico man's denied entry to the bar on account of failing to show "good moral character." Among other minor crimes, his eight year membership in the communist party, from 1932-1940, was the major concern. The Court established in an 8-0 opinion that character and fitness requirements must comport with the Due Process Clause, and that party membership did not show bad character, especially over a decade later. | | | In Re Application of Stewart - PDF? , 112 Ohio St. 3d 415, was a recent Ohio case to the point of my initial interest; there, the court affirmed the character and fitness board's decision that debt combined with sketchy disclosure was enough to deny admission to the bar. |
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AndrewMcCormickProject 19 - 30 Jan 2010 - Main.AndrewMcCormick
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-- AndrewMcCormick - 13 Nov 2009 | | | The English system suggests informal character selection. In Britain Solicitors received training and eduction by apprenticeship, usually in their teens. One can hardly imagine a solicitor not considering character in selecting a student to work in his office for two gears. The Inns of Court, which provided barristers with accreditation, required presence at meals and casual debates over a number of days in the year; again, one can hardly imagine the Inns not basing admission on partially on character. The British program did not transplant itself across the Atlantic. | |
<
< | In early America, lawyers were unwelcome. The practice was viewed as unnecessary and even evil. The Body of Liberties of Massachusetts Bay, 1641, fascinatingly prohibited legal representatives from taking fees in section 26. Similarly, the 1669 Fundamental Constitutions of the Carolinas' article 70 proclaims practicing law for money as "base and vile". The disdain for lawyers was not limited to legislatures, the public also held them in disdain. J. McMaster, A History of the People of The United States: From the Revolution to the Civil War (1927) "With the merchants, in the condemnation of the multitude, were joined the lawyers. Indeed, of the two classes, the members of the bar were the more hated and despised. The mere sight of a lawyer as he hurried along the street was enough to call forth an oath or a muttered curse from the louts who hung round the tavern... They were denounced as banditti, as blood-suckers, as pick-pockets, as wind-bags, as smooth-tongued rogues." (as an aside, an interesting side project would be investigating early letters and publications targeting lawyers - if anyone's interested, beginning with Benjamin Austin's letters signed "Honestus" might be a starting point) | >
> | In early America, lawyers were unwelcome. The practice was viewed as unnecessary and even evil. The Body of Liberties of Massachusetts Bay, 1641, fascinatingly prohibited legal representatives from taking fees in section 26. Similarly, the 1669 Fundamental Constitutions of the Carolinas' article 70 proclaims practicing law for money as "base and vile". The disdain for lawyers was not limited to legislatures, the public also held them in disdain. J. McMaster, A History of the People of The United States: From the Revolution to the Civil War (1927) "With the merchants, in the condemnation of the multitude, were joined the lawyers. Indeed, of the two classes, the members of the bar were the more hated and despised. The mere sight of a lawyer as he hurried along the street was enough to call forth an oath or a muttered curse from the louts who hung round the tavern... They were denounced as banditti, as blood-suckers, as pick-pockets, as wind-bags, as smooth-tongued rogues." Chroust suggested a dislike for all things English and haphazard nature of the unformed law contributed to this antipathy (Chroust I, p5). However, a more persuasive argument is economic: lawyers were "the lawyer was most unpopular, not to say despised, in the "bedbtor areas," while in the "creditor areas" he was... at least welcomed" (Chroust I, 14). It is easy to imagine the reputation of lawyers tracks debtors rights. (as an aside, an interesting side project would be investigating early letters and publications targeting lawyers - if anyone's interested, beginning with Benjamin Austin's letters signed "Honestus" might be a starting point. I find it especially interesting the he argued that lawyers, now a common profession for those in government, would threaten the Republic if allowed to serve in office. He also wrote entertaining anti-lawyer poetry, if interested see Chroust I, FN53, Vermont Gazette Feb. 28 1786, et al.)
In late 18th century New York, lawyers were not banned but were required to take an oath and provide evidence of their commitment to the United States, and those previously licensed to practice had to make a showing to a jury that they had "conducted himself as a good and zealous friend to the American cause", introducing patriotism as a professional credential (Chroust I, p7, quoting Laws of the State of New York Passed at the Sessions of the Legislature 155-157). This proved to be a substantial burden, and reduced the New York Supreme Court bar to nine members (although it is unclear how much larger a group these nine were selected from) (Chroust I, p10). | | | Character and fitness standards may have been a "showpiece", to borrow Rhode's term, designed to achieve two ends: (1) quell the dislike of lawyers by non-lawyer classes in early America, especially until lawyers became an accepted fixture of American professional culture and (2) to provide some semblance of retaining Britain's elite solicitor class by attempting to give American lawyers elevated personal status. | | | Minorities in the American Legal Profession | |
>
> | The Private Debt and the Legal Profession as an Historical Phenomenon (Shays Rebellion; New York rent riots would be a starting point - look to Chroust at 13 for beginnings) | | | |
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AndrewMcCormickProject 18 - 30 Jan 2010 - Main.AndrewMcCormick
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-- AndrewMcCormick - 13 Nov 2009 | | | Friedman argues that "As soon as... society posed problems for which lawyers had an answer..., layers began to thrive, despite the hostility.", . As the profession grew, one might hypothesize that established lawyers would use character and fitness standards to limit entry to the profession for economic reasons. Alternatively, lawyers may have had class-based motivations; between 1800 and 1900 the class of men composing the profession shifted from the "elite" to middle class and business backgrounds (Friedman), and elite class may have developed character standards as barriers for entry. However, Rhode's empirical research suggests that if were this a motivation, it was an ineffective ploy. | |
<
< | A law review article on Hamlin's Legal Education in Colonial New York, New York University Law Quarterly Review 1939, discussed character of lawyers and men of government critically, and commenting on the unprofessional legal system in early America. On the other hand, AAlexis de Tocqueville, on Lawyers and Judges, attached a certain importance and conservatism to American lawyers. Interestingly, de Tocqueville observes that "they entertain the same repugnance of the actions of the multitude [as the aristocracy]", suggesting that, despite Hamlin's comments that the legal profession in America was, compared to that of Britian, base and common, America's legal community harbored elitism. | >
> | A law review article on Hamlin's Legal Education in Colonial New York, New York University Law Quarterly Review 1939, discussed character of lawyers and men of government critically, and commenting on the unprofessional legal system in early America. On the other hand, Alexis de Tocqueville, on Lawyers and Judges, attached a certain importance and conservatism to American lawyers. Interestingly, de Tocqueville observes that "they entertain the same repugnance of the actions of the multitude [as the aristocracy]", suggesting that, despite Hamlin's comments that the legal profession in America was, compared to that of Britian, base and common, America's legal community harbored elitism. | | | George Sharswood, in An Essay on Professional Ethics, 1884, demonstrates the shift from wishing to eliminate the legal profession to a desire to hold it to a high standard, "the things we hold dearest on earth... we confide to the integrity of our legal counsellors[sic] and advocates. Their character must be not only without a stain, but without suspicion." Lawyers became an established fixture of American commerce, and character and fitness standards were present if unused. |
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AndrewMcCormickProject 17 - 27 Jan 2010 - Main.AndrewMcCormick
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-- AndrewMcCormick - 13 Nov 2009 | | | Character and Fitness: a ubiquitous, historically present standard. But a significant one? | |
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< | Every state bar currently requires some form of character and fitness examination, as do most other countries (Rhode citing The Bar Examiner’s Handbook, S. Duhl 2d ed. 1980 - apparently unavailable online, in need of scanning). | >
> | Every state bar currently requires some form of character and fitness examination, as do most other countries (Rhode citing The Bar Examiner’s Handbook, S. Duhl 2d ed. 1980 - apparently unavailable online, in need of scanning). For most law students, this means little more than checking that parking tickets are paid; for a smaller number, serious matters prohibit admission to the bar. Typically, issues of fraud and non-disclosure of lesser offenses. Historically, character has been relevant, but the formality and process of assessment, as well as its rigor, has varied. | | | Rhode argues that, throughout its history and into the present day, character and fitness examinations are cultural showpieces, that they have never barred significant numbers of applicants, and rather have been a tool for delay and harassment and a “ritual” undermining the “ideals it seeks to sustain” (Rhode, Legal Ethics, 490-491. See attachment below). Despite her characterization of C&F standards as "showpieces", she argues that "within the American Bar moral character requirements have been a fixed star in an otherwise unsettled regulatory universe... virtue remained a constant prerequisite, in form if not in fact," and "during the course of the study [it became apparent that] bar examiners rarely exclude candidates on grounds of character, and generally report encountering few cases of serious misconduct" (Rhode, Moral Character as a Professional Credential, MoralCharacterCredential, 491.) |
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AndrewMcCormickProject 16 - 26 Jan 2010 - Main.AndrewMcCormick
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-- AndrewMcCormick - 13 Nov 2009 | | | The English system suggests informal character selection. In Britain Solicitors received training and eduction by apprenticeship, usually in their teens. One can hardly imagine a solicitor not considering character in selecting a student to work in his office for two gears. The Inns of Court, which provided barristers with accreditation, required presence at meals and casual debates over a number of days in the year; again, one can hardly imagine the Inns not basing admission on partially on character. The British program did not transplant itself across the Atlantic. | |
<
< | In early America, lawyers were unwelcome. The practice was viewed as unnecessary and even evil. The "Body of Liberties" of Massachusets Bay, 1641. Available here: BodyofLiberties, fascinatingly prohibits legal representatives from taking fees in section #26. Similarly, the Fundamental Constitutions of the Carolinas (1669), Carolinas, article 70 proclaims lawyering for money as "base and vile". The disdain for lawyers was not limited to legislatures, the public also held them in disdain. J. McMaster, A History of the Poeple of The United States: From the Revolution to the Civil War (1927) "With the merchants, in the condemnation of the multitude, were joined the lawyers. Indeed, of the two classes, the memers of the bar were the more hated and despised. The mere sight of a lawyer as he hurried along the street was enough to call forth an oath or a muttered curse from the louts who hung round the tavern... They were denounced as banditti, as blood-suckers, as pick-pockets, as wind-bags, as smooth-tongued rogues." (as an aside, an interesting side project would be investigating early letters and publications targeting lawyers - if anyone's interested, beginning with Benjamin Austin's letters signed "Honestus" might be a starting point) | >
> | In early America, lawyers were unwelcome. The practice was viewed as unnecessary and even evil. The Body of Liberties of Massachusetts Bay, 1641, fascinatingly prohibited legal representatives from taking fees in section 26. Similarly, the 1669 Fundamental Constitutions of the Carolinas' article 70 proclaims practicing law for money as "base and vile". The disdain for lawyers was not limited to legislatures, the public also held them in disdain. J. McMaster, A History of the People of The United States: From the Revolution to the Civil War (1927) "With the merchants, in the condemnation of the multitude, were joined the lawyers. Indeed, of the two classes, the members of the bar were the more hated and despised. The mere sight of a lawyer as he hurried along the street was enough to call forth an oath or a muttered curse from the louts who hung round the tavern... They were denounced as banditti, as blood-suckers, as pick-pockets, as wind-bags, as smooth-tongued rogues." (as an aside, an interesting side project would be investigating early letters and publications targeting lawyers - if anyone's interested, beginning with Benjamin Austin's letters signed "Honestus" might be a starting point) | | | Character and fitness standards may have been a "showpiece", to borrow Rhode's term, designed to achieve two ends: (1) quell the dislike of lawyers by non-lawyer classes in early America, especially until lawyers became an accepted fixture of American professional culture and (2) to provide some semblance of retaining Britain's elite solicitor class by attempting to give American lawyers elevated personal status. | | | During 18th and 19th centuries, bar examinations were orally administered before a judge, and according The Troubling Rise of the Legal Profession's Good Moral Character "in the entire nineteenth century, there were virtually no reported instances in which applicants were banned for their character." (Comment on notes not played? Thelonious Monk? Look to the importance of "reported instances"?)
End of 19th and beginning of 20th century saw formalization and stiffening, but number of those denied entry for character reasons remained very small. In 1878 the ABA formed in New York, including formalizing rules for character, "Court of Appeals fixed requirements for preliminary education and proof of character" and required that "as a condition precedent to admission to the Bar, the character of | |
<
< | each applicant will be subjected to a scrutiny which will be genuine and not perfunctory." (Smith, Admission to the Bar in New York, 16 Yale L.J. (1907), attached below as 16_YLJ_514). Before that time, there was no code of ethics and education remained informal. See generally, BarHistory. | >
> | each applicant will be subjected to a scrutiny which will be genuine and not perfunctory." (Smith, Admission to the Bar in New York, 16 Yale L.J. (1907), attached below as 16_YLJ_514). Before that time, there was no code of ethics and education remained informal. See generally, The ABA's Bar History page. | | | | | | Although not directly pertaining to character, several instances in a 1907 Yale Law Journal article suggest that bar admissions criteria were severely lax, and one might suppose the ease of entry would extend to character standards. In Kentucky, a candidate who was unable to supply any correct answers to legal questions was admitted on the theory that no one would employ him "anyhow." (Rhode in FN20, quoting Smith, Admission to the Bar in New York, 16 Yale L.J. (1907), attached below as 16_YLJ_514). | |
<
< | Gawalt. The Promise of Power: The Emergence of the Legal Profession in Mass. 1760-1840
Character Examination of Candidates, I B. Examiner (1932)
Douglas, The Pennsylvania System Governing Admission to the Bar, 54 Rep. A.B.A. (1929) (Rhode uses to demonstrate "unworthiness" standard) | | |
The Role of Education in Character and Fitness
Early lawyers used apprenticeship which was a filtering device... (rhode, et al) | |
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< | After the 19th century, law schools may have been responsible for legal ethics... (Stevens) | | | | |
<
< | Character, Fitness, Race, and Gender. | >
> | After the 19th century, law schools may have been responsible for legal ethics. Law School: legal education in America from the 1850s to the 1980s, Robert Stevens. Partially available here, LegalEd Argues that, at least since modern legal education, with the exception of a very active bar in the early 1950s seeking to exclude left-wing individuals, the bar primarily thought law schools were responsible for the ethics of lawyers (237). This would suggest an interesting and difficult historical project - discovering what the historical standards were for character assessment by law schools during the early and middle 20th century (if curious, Rhode has surveyed present standards here). | | | | |
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> | Character, Fitness, Race, and Gender. | | |
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>
> | remaining/partially integrated sources | | | | |
>
> | Gawalt. The Promise of Power: The Emergence of the Legal Profession in Mass. 1760-1840 | | | | |
>
> | Character Examination of Candidates, I B. Examiner (1932)
Douglas, The Pennsylvania System Governing Admission to the Bar, 54 Rep. A.B.A. (1929) (Rhode uses to demonstrate "unworthiness" standard) | | | Confronting Racists at the Bar: Matthew Hale, Moral Character, and Regulating the Marketplace.
Jason O. Billy | | | | |
<
< | Law School: legal education in America from the 1850s to the 1980s, Robert Stevens. Partially available here, LegalEd Argues that, at least since modern legal education, with the exception of a very active bar in the early 1950s seeking to exclude left-wing individuals, the bar primarily thought law schools were responsible for the ethics of lawyers (237) | | | |
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AndrewMcCormickProject 15 - 21 Jan 2010 - Main.AndrewMcCormick
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-- AndrewMcCormick - 13 Nov 2009 | | | Friedman argues that "As soon as... society posed problems for which lawyers had an answer..., layers began to thrive, despite the hostility.", . As the profession grew, one might hypothesize that established lawyers would use character and fitness standards to limit entry to the profession for economic reasons. Alternatively, lawyers may have had class-based motivations; between 1800 and 1900 the class of men composing the profession shifted from the "elite" to middle class and business backgrounds (Friedman), and elite class may have developed character standards as barriers for entry. However, Rhode's empirical research suggests that if were this a motivation, it was an ineffective ploy. | |
>
> | A law review article on Hamlin's Legal Education in Colonial New York, New York University Law Quarterly Review 1939, discussed character of lawyers and men of government critically, and commenting on the unprofessional legal system in early America. On the other hand, AAlexis de Tocqueville, on Lawyers and Judges, attached a certain importance and conservatism to American lawyers. Interestingly, de Tocqueville observes that "they entertain the same repugnance of the actions of the multitude [as the aristocracy]", suggesting that, despite Hamlin's comments that the legal profession in America was, compared to that of Britian, base and common, America's legal community harbored elitism. | | | George Sharswood, in An Essay on Professional Ethics, 1884, demonstrates the shift from wishing to eliminate the legal profession to a desire to hold it to a high standard, "the things we hold dearest on earth... we confide to the integrity of our legal counsellors[sic] and advocates. Their character must be not only without a stain, but without suspicion." Lawyers became an established fixture of American commerce, and character and fitness standards were present if unused.
During 18th and 19th centuries, bar examinations were orally administered before a judge, and according The Troubling Rise of the Legal Profession's Good Moral Character "in the entire nineteenth century, there were virtually no reported instances in which applicants were banned for their character." (Comment on notes not played? Thelonious Monk? Look to the importance of "reported instances"?) | | | | |
<
< | American Legal History. Hall, Wiecek, Finkelman. Oxford Univ. Press, 1006. | >
> | Secondary sources, with relevant portions scanned below as "Rhode and Hall", including direct reproductions of (1) Alexis de Tocqueville "on Lawyers and Judges" 1835, (2) P. W. GRAYSON [peeud.] "Vice Unmasked, an Essay: Being a Consideration of the Influence of Law upon the Moral Essence of Man ..."1830, (3) Alexis De 'I'ocqueville, Democracy in America Vol. I, 283-90 (H. Reeve trans., P. Bradley ed., F. Bowen rev., 1973) Ost ed. 1835). | | | | |
>
> | American Legal History. Hall, Wiecek, Finkelman. Oxford Univ. Press, 1006. | | | Legal Ethics, Fifth Ed. Rhode, Luban. Foundation Press, 2009. | |
<
< | A law review article on Hamlin's Legal Education in Colonial New York, New York University Law Quarterly Review 1939, discussed character of lawyers and men of government critically, and commenting on the unprofessional legal system in early America. On the other hand, AAlexis de Tocqueville, on Lawyers and Judges, attached a certain importance and conservatism to American lawyers. Interestingly, points out that "they entertain the same repugnance of the actions of the multitude [as the aristocracy]", suggesting that, despite Hamlin's comments that the legal profession in America was, compared to that of Britian, base and common, America's legal community harbored elitism.
Law School: legal education in America from the 1850s to the 1980s, Robert Stevens. Partially available here, LegalEd Argues that, at least since modern legal education, with the exception of a very active bar in the early 1950s seeking to exclude left-wing individuals, the bar primarily thought law schools were responsible for the ethics of lawyers (237) | >
> | Interesting sources for those wishing to investigate further: | | | Rise of the Legal Profession in America (Volumes 1&2), Chroust, University of Okla. 1965. | |
<
< | Lefler, Hugh Talmage. 1956. North Carolina History told by contemporaries. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. (pincite to 87 for "will eat out the very Bowels of our Commonwealth")
| >
> | Lefler, Hugh Talmage. 1956. North Carolina History told by contemporaries. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. | | | | |
>
> | Law School: legal education in America from the 1850s to the 1980s, Robert Stevens. Partially available here, LegalEd Argues that, at least since modern legal education, with the exception of a very active bar in the early 1950s seeking to exclude left-wing individuals, the bar primarily thought law schools were responsible for the ethics of lawyers (237) | | | | | | | |
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> | | | |
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AndrewMcCormickProject 14 - 21 Jan 2010 - Main.AndrewMcCormick
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-- AndrewMcCormick - 13 Nov 2009 | | | George Sharswood, in An Essay on Professional Ethics, 1884, demonstrates the shift from wishing to eliminate the legal profession to a desire to hold it to a high standard, "the things we hold dearest on earth... we confide to the integrity of our legal counsellors[sic] and advocates. Their character must be not only without a stain, but without suspicion." Lawyers became an established fixture of American commerce, and character and fitness standards were present if unused. | |
<
< | During 18th and 19th centuries, bar examinations were orally administered before a judge, and according The Troubling Rise of the Legal Profession's Good Moral Character "in the entire nineteenth century, there were virtually no reported instances in which applicants were banned for their character." (Comment on notes not played? Thelonious Monk? Look to the importance of "reported instances" | >
> | During 18th and 19th centuries, bar examinations were orally administered before a judge, and according The Troubling Rise of the Legal Profession's Good Moral Character "in the entire nineteenth century, there were virtually no reported instances in which applicants were banned for their character." (Comment on notes not played? Thelonious Monk? Look to the importance of "reported instances"?) | | | | |
<
< | End of 19th and beginning of 20th century saw formalization and stiffening, but number of those denied entry for character reasons remained very small. In 1878 the ABA formed in New York. At that time, there was no code of ethics and training remained informal. See, BarHistory... | >
> | End of 19th and beginning of 20th century saw formalization and stiffening, but number of those denied entry for character reasons remained very small. In 1878 the ABA formed in New York, including formalizing rules for character, "Court of Appeals fixed requirements for preliminary education and proof of character" and required that "as a condition precedent to admission to the Bar, the character of
each applicant will be subjected to a scrutiny which will be genuine and not perfunctory." (Smith, Admission to the Bar in New York, 16 Yale L.J. (1907), attached below as 16_YLJ_514). Before that time, there was no code of ethics and education remained informal. See generally, BarHistory. | | | | |
<
< | The Uses of "Character and Fitness" as a Bar to Entry | >
> | The Uses of "Character and Fitness" as a Bar to Entry: Caselaw. | | | Despite their small number, the cases present cases offer points of interest. | | | In Re Application of Stewart - PDF? , 112 Ohio St. 3d 415, was a recent Ohio case to the point of my initial interest; there, the court affirmed the character and fitness board's decision that debt combined with sketchy disclosure was enough to deny admission to the bar. | |
>
> | Ex Parte Wall (with notes), 1077 U.S. 265 (1883) discusses a white Florida man involved in removing a black suspect from a jail cell and lynching him in front of a courthouse. The lynch mob participant challenged his bar rejection on character and fitness grounds and prevailed. | | | | |
<
< | Ex Parte Wall (with notes), 1077 U.S. 265 (1883) a Florida man involved in removing a man from a jail cell and lynching him in front of a courthouse challenged his bar rejection on character and fitness grounds and prevailed.
Smith, Admission to the Bar in New York, 16 Yale L.J. (1907) (514, 518 pincited by rhode for an example of lax standards)
Smith, Abraham Lincoln as a Bar Examiner, B. Examiner, Aug. 1982 (rhode points to 35, 37) (obscure but available?) | >
> | Although not directly pertaining to character, several instances in a 1907 Yale Law Journal article suggest that bar admissions criteria were severely lax, and one might suppose the ease of entry would extend to character standards. In Kentucky, a candidate who was unable to supply any correct answers to legal questions was admitted on the theory that no one would employ him "anyhow." (Rhode in FN20, quoting Smith, Admission to the Bar in New York, 16 Yale L.J. (1907), attached below as 16_YLJ_514). | | | Gawalt. The Promise of Power: The Emergence of the Legal Profession in Mass. 1760-1840 | | |
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>
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AndrewMcCormickProject 13 - 17 Jan 2010 - Main.AndrewMcCormick
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-- AndrewMcCormick - 13 Nov 2009 | | | Character and fitness standards may have been a "showpiece", to borrow Rhode's term, designed to achieve two ends: (1) quell the dislike of lawyers by non-lawyer classes in early America, especially until lawyers became an accepted fixture of American professional culture and (2) to provide some semblance of retaining Britain's elite solicitor class by attempting to give American lawyers elevated personal status. | |
<
< | Friedman argues that "As soon as... society posed problems for which lawyers had an answer..., layers began to thrive, despite the hostility.", here. As the profession grew, one might hypothesize that established lawyers would use character and fitness standards to limit entry to the profession for economic reasons. Alternatively, lawyers may have had class-based motivations; between 1800 and 1900 the class of men composing the profession shifted from the "elite" to middle class and business backgrounds (Friedman), and elite class may have developed character standards as barriers for entry. However, Rhode's empirical research suggests that if were this a motivation, it was an ineffective ploy. | >
> | Friedman argues that "As soon as... society posed problems for which lawyers had an answer..., layers began to thrive, despite the hostility.", . As the profession grew, one might hypothesize that established lawyers would use character and fitness standards to limit entry to the profession for economic reasons. Alternatively, lawyers may have had class-based motivations; between 1800 and 1900 the class of men composing the profession shifted from the "elite" to middle class and business backgrounds (Friedman), and elite class may have developed character standards as barriers for entry. However, Rhode's empirical research suggests that if were this a motivation, it was an ineffective ploy. | | | | |
<
< | George Sharswood, in An Essay on Professional Ethics (1884), EssayonProfessionalEthics demonstrates the shift from wishing to eliminate the legal profession to a desire to hold it to a high standard, "the things we hold dearest on earth... we confide to the integrity of our legal counsellors[sic] and advocates. Their character must be not only without a stain, but without suspicion." Lawyers became an established fixture of American commerce, | >
> | George Sharswood, in An Essay on Professional Ethics, 1884, demonstrates the shift from wishing to eliminate the legal profession to a desire to hold it to a high standard, "the things we hold dearest on earth... we confide to the integrity of our legal counsellors[sic] and advocates. Their character must be not only without a stain, but without suspicion." Lawyers became an established fixture of American commerce, and character and fitness standards were present if unused. | | | | |
<
< | During 18th and 19th centuries, bar examinations were orally administered before a judge... | >
> | During 18th and 19th centuries, bar examinations were orally administered before a judge, and according The Troubling Rise of the Legal Profession's Good Moral Character "in the entire nineteenth century, there were virtually no reported instances in which applicants were banned for their character." (Comment on notes not played? Thelonious Monk? Look to the importance of "reported instances" | | | | |
<
< | End of 19th and beginning of 20th century saw formalization and stiffening, but number of those denied entry for character reasons remained very small...
In 1878 the ABA formed in New York. At that time, there was no code of ethics and training remained informal. See, BarHistory | >
> | End of 19th and beginning of 20th century saw formalization and stiffening, but number of those denied entry for character reasons remained very small. In 1878 the ABA formed in New York. At that time, there was no code of ethics and training remained informal. See, BarHistory... | | |
The Uses of "Character and Fitness" as a Bar to Entry | |
<
< | According TroublingRise "in the entire nineteenth century, there were virtually no reported instances in which applicants were banned for their character." (Comment on notes not played? Thelonious Monk? Look to the importance of "reported instances" | | | | |
<
< | Despite their small number, the cases present do offer a mooring point. | >
> | Despite their small number, the cases present cases offer points of interest.
Schware v. Board, 353 U.S. 232 involves a New Mexico man's denied entry to the bar on account of failing to show "good moral character." In question was, among minor crimes, his eight year membership in the communist party, from 1932-1940. The Court established in an 8-0 opinion that character and fitness requirements must comport with the Due Process Clause, and that party membership did not show bad character, especially over a decade later.
In Re Application of Stewart - PDF? , 112 Ohio St. 3d 415, was a recent Ohio case to the point of my initial interest; there, the court affirmed the character and fitness board's decision that debt combined with sketchy disclosure was enough to deny admission to the bar. | | | | |
<
< | TO FIND:
Schware v. Board, 353 U.S. 232 (communism) Available here, Schware v. Board | | | | |
<
< | In re Application of Stewart, 112 Ohio St. 3d 415 (debt) Available as a pdf here, In Re Application of Stewart? | | | | |
<
< | Ex Parte Wall 1077 U.S. 265 (1883) (mob lynching) available with notes here, Ex Parte Wall | >
> | Ex Parte Wall (with notes), 1077 U.S. 265 (1883) a Florida man involved in removing a man from a jail cell and lynching him in front of a courthouse challenged his bar rejection on character and fitness grounds and prevailed. | | | Smith, Admission to the Bar in New York, 16 Yale L.J. (1907) (514, 518 pincited by rhode for an example of lax standards)
Smith, Abraham Lincoln as a Bar Examiner, B. Examiner, Aug. 1982 (rhode points to 35, 37) (obscure but available?) | |
<
< | Gawalt. The Promise of Power: The Emergence of the Legal Profession in Mass. 1760-1840. Available here, The Promise of Power... | >
> | Gawalt. The Promise of Power: The Emergence of the Legal Profession in Mass. 1760-1840 | | | Character Examination of Candidates, I B. Examiner (1932) | | | | |
<
< | Moral Character as a Professional Credential
Deborah L. Rhode
The Yale Law Journal, Vol. 94, No. 3 (Jan., 1985), pp. 491-603
available here: MoralCharacterCredential
The Troubling Rise of the Legal Profession's Good Moral Character.
St. John's Law Review, 2008 by Keith Swisher
available here: TroublingRise "in the entire nineteenth century, there were virtually no reported instances in which applicants were banned for their character." | >
> | | | | Confronting Racists at the Bar: Matthew Hale, Moral Character, and Regulating the Marketplace.
Jason O. Billy
available here: RacistsattheBar | |
<
< | Alexis de Tocqueville, On Lawyers and Judges. Available here: Tocqueville, attaching a certain importance and conservatism to American lawyers. Interestingly, points out that "they entertain the same repugnance of the actions of the multitude [as the aristocracy]", suggesting that, despite Hamlin's comments that the legal profession in America was, compared to that of Britian, base and common, America's legal community harbored elitism. | >
> | | | |
American Legal History. Hall, Wiecek, Finkelman. Oxford Univ. Press, 1006.
Legal Ethics, Fifth Ed. Rhode, Luban. Foundation Press, 2009. | |
<
< | Legal Education in Colonial New York, Hamlin, New York University Law Quarterly Review 1939. discussing character of lawyers and men of government critically, and commenting on the unprofessional legal system in early America. For a 1941 law review article discussing and quoting extensively, see LegEdNewYork | >
> | A law review article on Hamlin's Legal Education in Colonial New York, New York University Law Quarterly Review 1939, discussed character of lawyers and men of government critically, and commenting on the unprofessional legal system in early America. On the other hand, AAlexis de Tocqueville, on Lawyers and Judges, attached a certain importance and conservatism to American lawyers. Interestingly, points out that "they entertain the same repugnance of the actions of the multitude [as the aristocracy]", suggesting that, despite Hamlin's comments that the legal profession in America was, compared to that of Britian, base and common, America's legal community harbored elitism. | | | Law School: legal education in America from the 1850s to the 1980s, Robert Stevens. Partially available here, LegalEd Argues that, at least since modern legal education, with the exception of a very active bar in the early 1950s seeking to exclude left-wing individuals, the bar primarily thought law schools were responsible for the ethics of lawyers (237) |
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AndrewMcCormickProject 12 - 17 Jan 2010 - Main.AndrewMcCormick
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-- AndrewMcCormick - 13 Nov 2009
Although I'm sure it needs no announcing, this project is still a work in progress | |
<
< | This genesis of my curiosity about character and fitness standards was an online article discussing whether excessive student debt could be a disqualifying character and fitness criteria. As colossal student debt loads are a recent phenomenon, character and fitness must be an evolving standard. The professional expectations of lawyers and popular views of lawyers character as a class have, I suspect, changed over time. I suspect a(n) historical investigation of character and fitness as professional concepts would contribute to understanding the legal profession in America. To state my question broadly, I wish to explore how character and fitness of lawyers, as professional and social standards, have shaped the legal profession in America. I will begin with comments on the legal profession, such as de Tocqueville, and then explore documents within the legal profession, such as bar examiners' guides and caselaw in order to (1) explore the history of character as a professional credential and (2) to search out historic applications of character and fitness standards. | >
> | This genesis of my curiosity about character and fitness standards was an online article discussing whether excessive student debt could be a disqualifying character and fitness criteria. As colossal student debt loads are a recent phenomenon, character and fitness must be an evolving standard. The professional expectations of lawyers and popular views of lawyers character as a class have, I suspect, changed over time. I suspect a(n) historical investigation of character and fitness as professional concepts would contribute to understanding the legal profession in America. To state my question broadly, I wish to explore how character and fitness of lawyers, as professional and social standards, have shaped the legal profession in America. I will begin with comments on the legal profession, such as de Tocqueville, and then explore documents within the legal profession, such as bar examiners' guides and caselaw in order to (1) explore the history of character as a professional credential and (2) to search out historic applications of character and fitness standards. | | | A related question is whether character and fitness examination as a portion of bar admission has been used selectively and as a barrier to entry. Realistically, I do not expect to find ‘smoking gun’ evidence of social policy making through character and fitness examination; the mere fact that historical bar exams were orally administered would likely prevent it in early cases. I propose that an interesting question exists of whether bar exam character and fitness standards are a serious hurdle to bar admittance on social grounds, and if they tend to be more or less progressive than widely held norms of the time regarding religion, political affiliation, and potentially homosexuality. I find this question interesting because I can readily imagine reasonable arguments supporting both positions, and scholarship in the field is thin. However, it is likely thin for a reason. | | | Every state bar currently requires some form of character and fitness examination, as do most other countries (Rhode citing The Bar Examiner’s Handbook, S. Duhl 2d ed. 1980 - apparently unavailable online, in need of scanning). | |
<
< | Rhode argues that, throughout its history and into the present day, character and fitness examinations are cultural showpieces, that they have never barred significant numbers of applicants, and rather have been a tool for delay and harassment and a “ritual” undermining the “ideals it seeks to sustain” (Rhode, Legal Ethics, 490-491). Despite her characterization of C&F standards as "showpieces", she argues that "within the American Bar moral character requirements have been a fixed star in an otherwise unsettled regulatory universe... virtue remained a constant prerequisite, in form if not in fact," as "during the coure of the study [it became apparent that] bar examiners rarely exclude candidates on grounds of character, and generally report encountering few cases of serious misconduct" (Rhode, Moral Character as a Professional Credential, MoralCharacterCredential, 491.) | >
> | Rhode argues that, throughout its history and into the present day, character and fitness examinations are cultural showpieces, that they have never barred significant numbers of applicants, and rather have been a tool for delay and harassment and a “ritual” undermining the “ideals it seeks to sustain” (Rhode, Legal Ethics, 490-491. See attachment below). Despite her characterization of C&F standards as "showpieces", she argues that "within the American Bar moral character requirements have been a fixed star in an otherwise unsettled regulatory universe... virtue remained a constant prerequisite, in form if not in fact," and "during the course of the study [it became apparent that] bar examiners rarely exclude candidates on grounds of character, and generally report encountering few cases of serious misconduct" (Rhode, Moral Character as a Professional Credential, MoralCharacterCredential, 491.) | | | A cursory look at secondary sources indicates the first litigation over character and fitness standards was during the McCarthy? era, theoretically supporting Rhode's thesis of character as a non-effectual standard. However, the historical track of admission suggests early practices were personal, informal, and less likely to be litigated. Additionally, the screening future lawyers for character issues may take place earlier than bar exams; for example, at the time of gaining an apprenticeship, or upon applying for law school.
Rise of Character as a Professional Credential for Lawyers. | |
<
< | In Britian... | >
> | The English system suggests informal character selection. In Britain Solicitors received training and eduction by apprenticeship, usually in their teens. One can hardly imagine a solicitor not considering character in selecting a student to work in his office for two gears. The Inns of Court, which provided barristers with accreditation, required presence at meals and casual debates over a number of days in the year; again, one can hardly imagine the Inns not basing admission on partially on character. The British program did not transplant itself across the Atlantic. | | | | |
<
< | In early America, lawyers were unwelcome. The practice was viewed as unnecessary and even evil. The "Body of Liberties" of Massachusets Bay, 1641. Available here: BodyofLiberties, fascinatingly prohibits legal representatives from taking fees in section #26. Similarly, the Fundamental Constitutions of the Carolinas (1669), Carolinas, article 70 proclaims lawyering for money as "base and vile". | >
> | In early America, lawyers were unwelcome. The practice was viewed as unnecessary and even evil. The "Body of Liberties" of Massachusets Bay, 1641. Available here: BodyofLiberties, fascinatingly prohibits legal representatives from taking fees in section #26. Similarly, the Fundamental Constitutions of the Carolinas (1669), Carolinas, article 70 proclaims lawyering for money as "base and vile". The disdain for lawyers was not limited to legislatures, the public also held them in disdain. J. McMaster, A History of the Poeple of The United States: From the Revolution to the Civil War (1927) "With the merchants, in the condemnation of the multitude, were joined the lawyers. Indeed, of the two classes, the memers of the bar were the more hated and despised. The mere sight of a lawyer as he hurried along the street was enough to call forth an oath or a muttered curse from the louts who hung round the tavern... They were denounced as banditti, as blood-suckers, as pick-pockets, as wind-bags, as smooth-tongued rogues." (as an aside, an interesting side project would be investigating early letters and publications targeting lawyers - if anyone's interested, beginning with Benjamin Austin's letters signed "Honestus" might be a starting point) | | | | |
<
< | Character and fitness standards may have been a "showpiece", to borrow Rhode's term, designed to achieve two ends: (1) quell the dislike of lawyers by non-lawyer classes, especially until lawyers became an accepted fixture of American professional culture and (2) to provide some semblance of maintaing Britian's elite solicitor class by attempting to give American lawyers elevated personal status. | >
> | Character and fitness standards may have been a "showpiece", to borrow Rhode's term, designed to achieve two ends: (1) quell the dislike of lawyers by non-lawyer classes in early America, especially until lawyers became an accepted fixture of American professional culture and (2) to provide some semblance of retaining Britain's elite solicitor class by attempting to give American lawyers elevated personal status. | | | | |
>
> | Friedman argues that "As soon as... society posed problems for which lawyers had an answer..., layers began to thrive, despite the hostility.", here. As the profession grew, one might hypothesize that established lawyers would use character and fitness standards to limit entry to the profession for economic reasons. Alternatively, lawyers may have had class-based motivations; between 1800 and 1900 the class of men composing the profession shifted from the "elite" to middle class and business backgrounds (Friedman), and elite class may have developed character standards as barriers for entry. However, Rhode's empirical research suggests that if were this a motivation, it was an ineffective ploy. | | | | |
<
< |
J. McMaster? , A History of the Poeple of tThe United States: From the Revolution ot the Civil War (1927) (Rhode pincites 302 for "bloodsuck[ing] legal practices). Available as a searchable pdf document here
Lefler, Hugh Talmage. 1956. North Carolina History told by contemporaries. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. (pincite to 87 for "will eat out the very Bowels of our Commonwealth")
Friedman argues that "As soon as... society posed problems for which lawyers had an answer..., layers began to thrive, despite the hostility.", here. As the profession grew, one might hypothesize that established lawyers would wish to use character and fitness standards to limit entry to the profession for economic reasons. Alternatively, lawyers may have had class-based motivations; between 1800 and 1900 the class of men composing the profession shifted from the "elite" to middle class and business backgrounds (Friedman, linked above), and elite class may have developed character standards as barriers for entry. However, Rhode's empirical research suggests that if were this a motivation, it was an ineffective ploy.
George Sharswood, in An Essay on Professional Ethics (1884), EssayonProfessionalEthics demonstrates the shift from wishing to eliminate the legal profession to a desire to hold it to a high standard, "the things we hold dearest on earth... we confide to the integrity of our legal counsellors[sic] and advocates. Their character must be not only without a stain, but without suspicion." | >
> | George Sharswood, in An Essay on Professional Ethics (1884), EssayonProfessionalEthics demonstrates the shift from wishing to eliminate the legal profession to a desire to hold it to a high standard, "the things we hold dearest on earth... we confide to the integrity of our legal counsellors[sic] and advocates. Their character must be not only without a stain, but without suspicion." Lawyers became an established fixture of American commerce, | | | During 18th and 19th centuries, bar examinations were orally administered before a judge... | | | Rise of the Legal Profession in America (Volumes 1&2), Chroust, University of Okla. 1965. | |
<
< | | >
> | Lefler, Hugh Talmage. 1956. North Carolina History told by contemporaries. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. (pincite to 87 for "will eat out the very Bowels of our Commonwealth") | | | |
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AndrewMcCormickProject 11 - 12 Jan 2010 - Main.AndrewMcCormick
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-- AndrewMcCormick - 13 Nov 2009 | | | In early America, lawyers were unwelcome. The practice was viewed as unnecessary and even evil. The "Body of Liberties" of Massachusets Bay, 1641. Available here: BodyofLiberties, fascinatingly prohibits legal representatives from taking fees in section #26. Similarly, the Fundamental Constitutions of the Carolinas (1669), Carolinas, article 70 proclaims lawyering for money as "base and vile". | |
<
< | ... | >
> | Character and fitness standards may have been a "showpiece", to borrow Rhode's term, designed to achieve two ends: (1) quell the dislike of lawyers by non-lawyer classes, especially until lawyers became an accepted fixture of American professional culture and (2) to provide some semblance of maintaing Britian's elite solicitor class by attempting to give American lawyers elevated personal status. | | | | |
<
< | FIND:
J. McMaster? , A History of the Poeple of tThe United States: From the Revolution ot the Civil War (1927) (Rhode pincites 302 for "bloodsuck[ing] legal practices)
H. Lefler, North Carolina Histroy as TOld by COntemporaries (1956) (pincite to 87 for "will eat out the very Bowels of our Commonwealth") | | | | |
<
< | Friedman argues that "As soon as... society posed problems for which lawyers had an answer..., layers bagan to thrive, despite the hostility.", here. As lawyers became necessarysuch animosity led to developing character and fitness standards, either by the lawyers themselves, in order to improve their image, or as imposed by legislatures. Alternatively, as the profession grew a wish to create entry barriers would be well served by character and fitness standards and professional requirement. Relatedly, between 1800 and 1900 the class of men composing the profession shifted from the "elite" to middle class and business backgrounds (Friedman, linked above), and the elite class may have developed character standards as barriers for entry. However, Rhode's empirical research suggests that were this a motivation, it was an ineffective ploy. | >
> | J. McMaster? , A History of the Poeple of tThe United States: From the Revolution ot the Civil War (1927) (Rhode pincites 302 for "bloodsuck[ing] legal practices). Available as a searchable pdf document here
Lefler, Hugh Talmage. 1956. North Carolina History told by contemporaries. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. (pincite to 87 for "will eat out the very Bowels of our Commonwealth")
Friedman argues that "As soon as... society posed problems for which lawyers had an answer..., layers began to thrive, despite the hostility.", here. As the profession grew, one might hypothesize that established lawyers would wish to use character and fitness standards to limit entry to the profession for economic reasons. Alternatively, lawyers may have had class-based motivations; between 1800 and 1900 the class of men composing the profession shifted from the "elite" to middle class and business backgrounds (Friedman, linked above), and elite class may have developed character standards as barriers for entry. However, Rhode's empirical research suggests that if were this a motivation, it was an ineffective ploy. | | | George Sharswood, in An Essay on Professional Ethics (1884), EssayonProfessionalEthics demonstrates the shift from wishing to eliminate the legal profession to a desire to hold it to a high standard, "the things we hold dearest on earth... we confide to the integrity of our legal counsellors[sic] and advocates. Their character must be not only without a stain, but without suspicion." | | | Despite their small number, the cases present do offer a mooring point.
TO FIND: | |
<
< | Schware v. Board, 353 U.S. 232 (communism) | >
> | Schware v. Board, 353 U.S. 232 (communism) Available here, Schware v. Board | | | | |
<
< | In re Application of Stewart, 860 N.E.2d 729 (debt) | >
> | In re Application of Stewart, 112 Ohio St. 3d 415 (debt) Available as a pdf here, In Re Application of Stewart? | | | | |
<
< | Ex Parte Wall 1077 U.S. 265 (1883) (mob lynching) | >
> | Ex Parte Wall 1077 U.S. 265 (1883) (mob lynching) available with notes here, Ex Parte Wall | | | Smith, Admission to the Bar in New York, 16 Yale L.J. (1907) (514, 518 pincited by rhode for an example of lax standards) | |
<
< | Smith, Abraham Lincoln as a Bar Examiner, B. Examiner, Aug. 1982 (rhode points to 35, 37) | >
> | Smith, Abraham Lincoln as a Bar Examiner, B. Examiner, Aug. 1982 (rhode points to 35, 37) (obscure but available?) | | | | |
<
< | Gawalt. The Promise of Power: The Emergence of the Legal Profession in Mass. 1760-1840 | >
> | Gawalt. The Promise of Power: The Emergence of the Legal Profession in Mass. 1760-1840. Available here, The Promise of Power... | | | Character Examination of Candidates, I B. Examiner (1932) |
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AndrewMcCormickProject 10 - 08 Jan 2010 - Main.AndrewMcCormick
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-- AndrewMcCormick - 13 Nov 2009 | | | H. Lefler, North Carolina Histroy as TOld by COntemporaries (1956) (pincite to 87 for "will eat out the very Bowels of our Commonwealth") | |
<
< | Friedman argues that "As soon as... society posed problems for which lawyers had an answer..., layers bagan to thrive, despite the hostility.", here, but it is understandable that such animosity could have led to developing character and fitness standards, either by the lawyers themselves, in order to improve their image, or as imposed by legislatures. Alternatively, as the profession grew a wish to create entry barriers would be well served by character and fitness standards and professional requirement. A third explanation is that between 1800 and 1900 the class of men composing the profession shifted from the "elite" to middle class and business backgrounds (Friedman, linked above). | >
> | Friedman argues that "As soon as... society posed problems for which lawyers had an answer..., layers bagan to thrive, despite the hostility.", here. As lawyers became necessarysuch animosity led to developing character and fitness standards, either by the lawyers themselves, in order to improve their image, or as imposed by legislatures. Alternatively, as the profession grew a wish to create entry barriers would be well served by character and fitness standards and professional requirement. Relatedly, between 1800 and 1900 the class of men composing the profession shifted from the "elite" to middle class and business backgrounds (Friedman, linked above), and the elite class may have developed character standards as barriers for entry. However, Rhode's empirical research suggests that were this a motivation, it was an ineffective ploy.
George Sharswood, in An Essay on Professional Ethics (1884), EssayonProfessionalEthics demonstrates the shift from wishing to eliminate the legal profession to a desire to hold it to a high standard, "the things we hold dearest on earth... we confide to the integrity of our legal counsellors[sic] and advocates. Their character must be not only without a stain, but without suspicion." | | | During 18th and 19th centuries, bar examinations were orally administered before a judge... | | | Jason O. Billy
available here: RacistsattheBar | |
<
< | Alexis de Tocqueville, On Lawyers and Judges. Available here: Tocqueville, attaching a certain importance and conservatism to American lawyers. Interestingly, points out that "they entertain the same repugnance of the actions of the multitude [as the aristocracy]" | >
> | Alexis de Tocqueville, On Lawyers and Judges. Available here: Tocqueville, attaching a certain importance and conservatism to American lawyers. Interestingly, points out that "they entertain the same repugnance of the actions of the multitude [as the aristocracy]", suggesting that, despite Hamlin's comments that the legal profession in America was, compared to that of Britian, base and common, America's legal community harbored elitism. | | | | |
<
< | George Sharswood, An Essay on Professional Ethics (1884) (Used by Rhode), EssayonProfessionalEthics "the things we hold dearest on earth... we confide to the integrity of our legal counsellors and advocates. Their character must be not only without a stain, but without suspicion" | | | American Legal History. Hall, Wiecek, Finkelman. Oxford Univ. Press, 1006. |
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AndrewMcCormickProject 9 - 08 Jan 2010 - Main.AndrewMcCormick
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-- AndrewMcCormick - 13 Nov 2009
Although I'm sure it needs no announcing, this project is still a work in progress | |
<
< | This genesis of my curiosity about character and fitness standards was an online article discussing whether excessive student debt could be a disqualifying character and fitness criteria. As colossal student debt loads are a recent phenomenon, character and fitness must be an evolving standard. The professional expectations of lawyers and popular views of lawyers character as a class have, I suspect, changed over time. I suspect a(n) historical investigation of character and fitness as professional concepts would contribute to understanding the legal profession in America. To state my question broadly, I wish to explore how character and fitness of lawyers, as professional and social standards, have shaped the legal profession in America. I will begin with comments on the legal profession, such as de Tocqueville, and then explore documents within the legal profession, such as bar examiners' guides and caselaw. | >
> | This genesis of my curiosity about character and fitness standards was an online article discussing whether excessive student debt could be a disqualifying character and fitness criteria. As colossal student debt loads are a recent phenomenon, character and fitness must be an evolving standard. The professional expectations of lawyers and popular views of lawyers character as a class have, I suspect, changed over time. I suspect a(n) historical investigation of character and fitness as professional concepts would contribute to understanding the legal profession in America. To state my question broadly, I wish to explore how character and fitness of lawyers, as professional and social standards, have shaped the legal profession in America. I will begin with comments on the legal profession, such as de Tocqueville, and then explore documents within the legal profession, such as bar examiners' guides and caselaw in order to (1) explore the history of character as a professional credential and (2) to search out historic applications of character and fitness standards. | | | A related question is whether character and fitness examination as a portion of bar admission has been used selectively and as a barrier to entry. Realistically, I do not expect to find ‘smoking gun’ evidence of social policy making through character and fitness examination; the mere fact that historical bar exams were orally administered would likely prevent it in early cases. I propose that an interesting question exists of whether bar exam character and fitness standards are a serious hurdle to bar admittance on social grounds, and if they tend to be more or less progressive than widely held norms of the time regarding religion, political affiliation, and potentially homosexuality. I find this question interesting because I can readily imagine reasonable arguments supporting both positions, and scholarship in the field is thin. However, it is likely thin for a reason. | |
<
< | Character and Fitness: a ubiquitous, historically present standard. And perhaps an empty one. | >
> | Character and Fitness: a ubiquitous, historically present standard. But a significant one? | | | Every state bar currently requires some form of character and fitness examination, as do most other countries (Rhode citing The Bar Examiner’s Handbook, S. Duhl 2d ed. 1980 - apparently unavailable online, in need of scanning). | |
<
< | Rhode argues that, throughout its history and into the present day, character and fitness examinations are cultural showpieces, that they have never barred significant numbers of applicants, and rather have been a tool for delay and harassment and a “ritual” undermining the “ideals it seeks to sustain” (Rhode, Legal Ethics, 490-491). Despite her characterization of C&F standards as "showpieces", "within the American Bar moral character requirements have been a fixed star in an otherwise unsettled regulatory universe... virtue remained a constant prerequisite, in form if not in fact." (Rhode, Moral Character as a Professional Credential, MoralCharacterCredential, 491.) | >
> | Rhode argues that, throughout its history and into the present day, character and fitness examinations are cultural showpieces, that they have never barred significant numbers of applicants, and rather have been a tool for delay and harassment and a “ritual” undermining the “ideals it seeks to sustain” (Rhode, Legal Ethics, 490-491). Despite her characterization of C&F standards as "showpieces", she argues that "within the American Bar moral character requirements have been a fixed star in an otherwise unsettled regulatory universe... virtue remained a constant prerequisite, in form if not in fact," as "during the coure of the study [it became apparent that] bar examiners rarely exclude candidates on grounds of character, and generally report encountering few cases of serious misconduct" (Rhode, Moral Character as a Professional Credential, MoralCharacterCredential, 491.) | | | A cursory look at secondary sources indicates the first litigation over character and fitness standards was during the McCarthy? era, theoretically supporting Rhode's thesis of character as a non-effectual standard. However, the historical track of admission suggests early practices were personal, informal, and less likely to be litigated. Additionally, the screening future lawyers for character issues may take place earlier than bar exams; for example, at the time of gaining an apprenticeship, or upon applying for law school. | |
<
< | Early American Lawyers and the Rise of Character as a Professional Credential. | >
> | Rise of Character as a Professional Credential for Lawyers.
In Britian... | | | In early America, lawyers were unwelcome. The practice was viewed as unnecessary and even evil. The "Body of Liberties" of Massachusets Bay, 1641. Available here: BodyofLiberties, fascinatingly prohibits legal representatives from taking fees in section #26. Similarly, the Fundamental Constitutions of the Carolinas (1669), Carolinas, article 70 proclaims lawyering for money as "base and vile". | |
<
< | Friedman argues that "As soon as... society posed problems ofor which lawyers had an answer..., layers bagan to thrive, despite the hostility.", here, but it is understandable that such animosity could have led to developing character and fitness standards, either by the lawyers themselves, in order to improve their image, or as imposed by legislatures. Alternatively, as the profession grew a wish to create entry barriers would be well served by character and fitness standards and professional requirement. A third explanation is that between 1800 and 1900 the class of men composing the profession shifted from the "elite" to middle class and business backgrounds (Friedman, linked above). | >
> | ... | | | | |
<
< | During 18th and 19th centuries, bar examinations were orally administered before a judge. | >
> | FIND:
J. McMaster? , A History of the Poeple of tThe United States: From the Revolution ot the Civil War (1927) (Rhode pincites 302 for "bloodsuck[ing] legal practices)
H. Lefler, North Carolina Histroy as TOld by COntemporaries (1956) (pincite to 87 for "will eat out the very Bowels of our Commonwealth") | | | | |
<
< | The Role of Education in Character and Fitness
Early lawyers used apprenticeship which was a filtering device... (rhode, et al)
After the 19th century, law schools may have been responsible for legal ethics... (Stevens) | >
> | Friedman argues that "As soon as... society posed problems for which lawyers had an answer..., layers bagan to thrive, despite the hostility.", here, but it is understandable that such animosity could have led to developing character and fitness standards, either by the lawyers themselves, in order to improve their image, or as imposed by legislatures. Alternatively, as the profession grew a wish to create entry barriers would be well served by character and fitness standards and professional requirement. A third explanation is that between 1800 and 1900 the class of men composing the profession shifted from the "elite" to middle class and business backgrounds (Friedman, linked above).
During 18th and 19th centuries, bar examinations were orally administered before a judge...
End of 19th and beginning of 20th century saw formalization and stiffening, but number of those denied entry for character reasons remained very small...
In 1878 the ABA formed in New York. At that time, there was no code of ethics and training remained informal. See, BarHistory | | | | |
<
< | The Uses of "Character and Fitness"
According TroublingRise "in the entire nineteenth century, there were virtually no reported instances in which applicants were banned for their character." (Comment on notes not played?) | | | | |
>
> | The Uses of "Character and Fitness" as a Bar to Entry
According TroublingRise "in the entire nineteenth century, there were virtually no reported instances in which applicants were banned for their character." (Comment on notes not played? Thelonious Monk? Look to the importance of "reported instances"
Despite their small number, the cases present do offer a mooring point.
TO FIND: | | | Schware v. Board, 353 U.S. 232 (communism)
In re Application of Stewart, 860 N.E.2d 729 (debt) | |
>
> | Ex Parte Wall 1077 U.S. 265 (1883) (mob lynching)
Smith, Admission to the Bar in New York, 16 Yale L.J. (1907) (514, 518 pincited by rhode for an example of lax standards)
Smith, Abraham Lincoln as a Bar Examiner, B. Examiner, Aug. 1982 (rhode points to 35, 37)
Gawalt. The Promise of Power: The Emergence of the Legal Profession in Mass. 1760-1840
Character Examination of Candidates, I B. Examiner (1932)
Douglas, The Pennsylvania System Governing Admission to the Bar, 54 Rep. A.B.A. (1929) (Rhode uses to demonstrate "unworthiness" standard) | | | | |
>
> | The Role of Education in Character and Fitness
Early lawyers used apprenticeship which was a filtering device... (rhode, et al)
After the 19th century, law schools may have been responsible for legal ethics... (Stevens) | | | Character, Fitness, Race, and Gender. |
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AndrewMcCormickProject 8 - 07 Jan 2010 - Main.AndrewMcCormick
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| META TOPICPARENT | name="WebPreferences" |
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-- AndrewMcCormick - 13 Nov 2009
Although I'm sure it needs no announcing, this project is still a work in progress | |
<
< | This genesis of my curiosity about character and fitness standards was an online article discussing whether excessive student debt could be a disqualifying character and fitness criteria. As colossal student debt loads are a recent phenomenon, character and fitness must be an evolving standard; further, as it is a mutable concept, judges and bar associations have room for significant interpretation(CITATION). I suspect a(n) historical investigation of character and fitness examination would contribute to understanding the legal profession in America. To state my question broadly, I wish to explore how character and fitness, as professional standards, have shaped the legal profession in America, and whether they have historically been used as tools of social policy through exclusion. | >
> | This genesis of my curiosity about character and fitness standards was an online article discussing whether excessive student debt could be a disqualifying character and fitness criteria. As colossal student debt loads are a recent phenomenon, character and fitness must be an evolving standard. The professional expectations of lawyers and popular views of lawyers character as a class have, I suspect, changed over time. I suspect a(n) historical investigation of character and fitness as professional concepts would contribute to understanding the legal profession in America. To state my question broadly, I wish to explore how character and fitness of lawyers, as professional and social standards, have shaped the legal profession in America. I will begin with comments on the legal profession, such as de Tocqueville, and then explore documents within the legal profession, such as bar examiners' guides and caselaw. | | | | |
<
< | Realistically, I did not expect to find ‘smoking gun’ evidence of social policy making through character and fitness examination; the mere fact that historical bar exams were orally administered would likely prevent it in early cases, and in most cases I expect discrimination by the bar would be cloaked. I propose that an interesting question exists of whether bar exam character and fitness standards tended to be more or less progressive than widely held norms of the time regarding race, religion, political affiliation, and potentially homosexuality. I find this question interesting because I can readily imagine reasonable arguments supporting both positions, and scholarship in the field is thin. | >
> | A related question is whether character and fitness examination as a portion of bar admission has been used selectively and as a barrier to entry. Realistically, I do not expect to find ‘smoking gun’ evidence of social policy making through character and fitness examination; the mere fact that historical bar exams were orally administered would likely prevent it in early cases. I propose that an interesting question exists of whether bar exam character and fitness standards are a serious hurdle to bar admittance on social grounds, and if they tend to be more or less progressive than widely held norms of the time regarding religion, political affiliation, and potentially homosexuality. I find this question interesting because I can readily imagine reasonable arguments supporting both positions, and scholarship in the field is thin. However, it is likely thin for a reason. | | |
Character and Fitness: a ubiquitous, historically present standard. And perhaps an empty one. | |
<
< | Every state bar currently requires some form of character and fitness examination, as do most other countries (Rhode citing The Bar Examiner’s Handbook, S. Duhl 2d ed. 1980) - apparently unavailable online, in need of scanning). | >
> | Every state bar currently requires some form of character and fitness examination, as do most other countries (Rhode citing The Bar Examiner’s Handbook, S. Duhl 2d ed. 1980 - apparently unavailable online, in need of scanning). | | | Rhode argues that, throughout its history and into the present day, character and fitness examinations are cultural showpieces, that they have never barred significant numbers of applicants, and rather have been a tool for delay and harassment and a “ritual” undermining the “ideals it seeks to sustain” (Rhode, Legal Ethics, 490-491). Despite her characterization of C&F standards as "showpieces", "within the American Bar moral character requirements have been a fixed star in an otherwise unsettled regulatory universe... virtue remained a constant prerequisite, in form if not in fact." (Rhode, Moral Character as a Professional Credential, MoralCharacterCredential, 491.) | |
<
< | A cursory look at secondary sources indicates the first litigation over character and fitness standards was during the McCarthy? era, theoretically supporting Rhode's thesis of character as a non-effectual standard. However, the historical track of admission suggests early practices were personal, informal, and less likely to be litigated. | >
> | A cursory look at secondary sources indicates the first litigation over character and fitness standards was during the McCarthy? era, theoretically supporting Rhode's thesis of character as a non-effectual standard. However, the historical track of admission suggests early practices were personal, informal, and less likely to be litigated. Additionally, the screening future lawyers for character issues may take place earlier than bar exams; for example, at the time of gaining an apprenticeship, or upon applying for law school. | | |
Early American Lawyers and the Rise of Character as a Professional Credential. | | | During 18th and 19th centuries, bar examinations were orally administered before a judge. | |
>
> | The Role of Education in Character and Fitness
Early lawyers used apprenticeship which was a filtering device... (rhode, et al)
After the 19th century, law schools may have been responsible for legal ethics... (Stevens) | | | The Uses of "Character and Fitness"
According TroublingRise "in the entire nineteenth century, there were virtually no reported instances in which applicants were banned for their character." (Comment on notes not played?) | | | Character, Fitness, Race, and Gender. | |
<
< | Exclusion from the Profession Outside the Realm of "Character and Fitness" | | | | | | Legal Ethics, Fifth Ed. Rhode, Luban. Foundation Press, 2009. | |
>
> | Legal Education in Colonial New York, Hamlin, New York University Law Quarterly Review 1939. discussing character of lawyers and men of government critically, and commenting on the unprofessional legal system in early America. For a 1941 law review article discussing and quoting extensively, see LegEdNewYork
Law School: legal education in America from the 1850s to the 1980s, Robert Stevens. Partially available here, LegalEd Argues that, at least since modern legal education, with the exception of a very active bar in the early 1950s seeking to exclude left-wing individuals, the bar primarily thought law schools were responsible for the ethics of lawyers (237)
Rise of the Legal Profession in America (Volumes 1&2), Chroust, University of Okla. 1965.
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AndrewMcCormickProject 6 - 06 Jan 2010 - Main.AndrewMcCormick
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-- AndrewMcCormick - 13 Nov 2009 | |
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< | Although I'm sure it needs no announcing, this project is still a work in progress as of 1/5 | >
> | Although I'm sure it needs no announcing, this project is still a work in progress | | | This genesis of my curiosity about character and fitness standards was an online article discussing whether excessive student debt could be a disqualifying character and fitness criteria. As colossal student debt loads are a recent phenomenon, character and fitness must be an evolving standard; further, as it is a mutable concept, judges and bar associations have room for significant interpretation(CITATION). I suspect a(n) historical investigation of character and fitness examination would contribute to understanding the legal profession in America. To state my question broadly, I wish to explore how character and fitness, as professional standards, have shaped the legal profession in America, and whether they have historically been used as tools of social policy through exclusion.
Realistically, I did not expect to find ‘smoking gun’ evidence of social policy making through character and fitness examination; the mere fact that historical bar exams were orally administered would likely prevent it in early cases, and in most cases I expect discrimination by the bar would be cloaked. I propose that an interesting question exists of whether bar exam character and fitness standards tended to be more or less progressive than widely held norms of the time regarding race, religion, political affiliation, and potentially homosexuality. I find this question interesting because I can readily imagine reasonable arguments supporting both positions, and scholarship in the field is thin. | |
<
< | Character and Fitness Today: a ubiquitous requirement. | >
> | Character and Fitness: a ubiquitous, historically present standard. And perhaps an empty one. | | | Every state bar currently requires some form of character and fitness examination, as do most other countries (Rhode citing The Bar Examiner’s Handbook, S. Duhl 2d ed. 1980) - apparently unavailable online, in need of scanning). | |
<
< | Rhode argues that, throughout its history and into the present day, character and fitness examinations are cultural showpieces, that they have never barred significant numbers of applicants, and rather have been a tool for delay and harassment and a “ritual” undermining the “ideals it seeks to sustain” (Rhode, 490-491). | >
> | Rhode argues that, throughout its history and into the present day, character and fitness examinations are cultural showpieces, that they have never barred significant numbers of applicants, and rather have been a tool for delay and harassment and a “ritual” undermining the “ideals it seeks to sustain” (Rhode, Legal Ethics, 490-491). Despite her characterization of C&F standards as "showpieces", "within the American Bar moral character requirements have been a fixed star in an otherwise unsettled regulatory universe... virtue remained a constant prerequisite, in form if not in fact." (Rhode, Moral Character as a Professional Credential, MoralCharacterCredential, 491.)
A cursory look at secondary sources indicates the first litigation over character and fitness standards was during the McCarthy? era, theoretically supporting Rhode's thesis of character as a non-effectual standard. However, the historical track of admission suggests early practices were personal, informal, and less likely to be litigated. | | |
Early American Lawyers and the Rise of Character as a Professional Credential.
In early America, lawyers were unwelcome. The practice was viewed as unnecessary and even evil. The "Body of Liberties" of Massachusets Bay, 1641. Available here: BodyofLiberties, fascinatingly prohibits legal representatives from taking fees in section #26. Similarly, the Fundamental Constitutions of the Carolinas (1669), Carolinas, article 70 proclaims lawyering for money as "base and vile". | |
<
< | Friedman argues that "As soon as... society posed problems ofor which lawyers had an answer..., layers bagan to thrive, despite the hostility.", here, but it is understandable that such animosity could have led to developing character and fitness standards. Alternatively, as the profession grew an wish to create entry barriers would be well served by character and fitness standards and professional requirement. A third explanation is that between 1800 and 1900 the class of men composing the profession shifted from the "elite" to middle class and business backgrounds (Friedman, linked above). | >
> | Friedman argues that "As soon as... society posed problems ofor which lawyers had an answer..., layers bagan to thrive, despite the hostility.", here, but it is understandable that such animosity could have led to developing character and fitness standards, either by the lawyers themselves, in order to improve their image, or as imposed by legislatures. Alternatively, as the profession grew a wish to create entry barriers would be well served by character and fitness standards and professional requirement. A third explanation is that between 1800 and 1900 the class of men composing the profession shifted from the "elite" to middle class and business backgrounds (Friedman, linked above). | | | | |
>
> | During 18th and 19th centuries, bar examinations were orally administered before a judge. | | |
The Uses of "Character and Fitness" |
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AndrewMcCormickProject 5 - 06 Jan 2010 - Main.AndrewMcCormick
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-- AndrewMcCormick - 13 Nov 2009 | | | Early American Lawyers and the Rise of Character as a Professional Credential. | |
<
< | In early America, lawyers were unwelcome. The practice was viewed as unnecessary and even evil. The "Body of Liberties" of Massachusets Bay, 1641. Available here: BodyofLiberties, fascinatingly prohibits legal representatives from taking fees in section #26. Similarly, the Fundamental Constitutions of the Carolinas (1669), Carolinas, article 70 proclaims lawyering for money as "base and vile". Although it may be obvious, | >
> | In early America, lawyers were unwelcome. The practice was viewed as unnecessary and even evil. The "Body of Liberties" of Massachusets Bay, 1641. Available here: BodyofLiberties, fascinatingly prohibits legal representatives from taking fees in section #26. Similarly, the Fundamental Constitutions of the Carolinas (1669), Carolinas, article 70 proclaims lawyering for money as "base and vile". | | | Friedman argues that "As soon as... society posed problems ofor which lawyers had an answer..., layers bagan to thrive, despite the hostility.", here, but it is understandable that such animosity could have led to developing character and fitness standards. Alternatively, as the profession grew an wish to create entry barriers would be well served by character and fitness standards and professional requirement. A third explanation is that between 1800 and 1900 the class of men composing the profession shifted from the "elite" to middle class and business backgrounds (Friedman, linked above).
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>
> | The Uses of "Character and Fitness"
According TroublingRise "in the entire nineteenth century, there were virtually no reported instances in which applicants were banned for their character." (Comment on notes not played?)
Schware v. Board, 353 U.S. 232 (communism)
In re Application of Stewart, 860 N.E.2d 729 (debt)
A Note on Gender | | | Exclusion from the Profession Outside the Realm of "Character and Fitness" | | | The Troubling Rise of the Legal Profession's Good Moral Character.
St. John's Law Review, 2008 by Keith Swisher | |
<
< | available here: TroublingRise | >
> | available here: TroublingRise "in the entire nineteenth century, there were virtually no reported instances in which applicants were banned for their character." | | | Confronting Racists at the Bar: Matthew Hale, Moral Character, and Regulating the Marketplace.
Jason O. Billy | | | Distrust and Animosity toward lawyers in early America (and perhaps related topics in Quaker tradition) | |
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> | Women in the American Legal Profession
Minorities in the American Legal Profession | | | |
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AndrewMcCormickProject 4 - 05 Jan 2010 - Main.AndrewMcCormick
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-- AndrewMcCormick - 13 Nov 2009 | |
<
< | This genesis of my curiosity about character and fitness standards was an online article discussing whether excessive student debt could be a disqualifying character and fitness criteria. As colossal student debt loads are a recent phenomenon, character and fitness must be an evolving standard; further, as it is a mutable concept, judges and bar associations have room for significant interpretation. I suspect a(n) historical investigation of character and fitness examination would contribute to understanding the legal profession in America. | >
> | Although I'm sure it needs no announcing, this project is still a work in progress as of 1/5
This genesis of my curiosity about character and fitness standards was an online article discussing whether excessive student debt could be a disqualifying character and fitness criteria. As colossal student debt loads are a recent phenomenon, character and fitness must be an evolving standard; further, as it is a mutable concept, judges and bar associations have room for significant interpretation(CITATION). I suspect a(n) historical investigation of character and fitness examination would contribute to understanding the legal profession in America. To state my question broadly, I wish to explore how character and fitness, as professional standards, have shaped the legal profession in America, and whether they have historically been used as tools of social policy through exclusion.
Realistically, I did not expect to find ‘smoking gun’ evidence of social policy making through character and fitness examination; the mere fact that historical bar exams were orally administered would likely prevent it in early cases, and in most cases I expect discrimination by the bar would be cloaked. I propose that an interesting question exists of whether bar exam character and fitness standards tended to be more or less progressive than widely held norms of the time regarding race, religion, political affiliation, and potentially homosexuality. I find this question interesting because I can readily imagine reasonable arguments supporting both positions, and scholarship in the field is thin.
Character and Fitness Today: a ubiquitous requirement.
Every state bar currently requires some form of character and fitness examination, as do most other countries (Rhode citing The Bar Examiner’s Handbook, S. Duhl 2d ed. 1980) - apparently unavailable online, in need of scanning).
Rhode argues that, throughout its history and into the present day, character and fitness examinations are cultural showpieces, that they have never barred significant numbers of applicants, and rather have been a tool for delay and harassment and a “ritual” undermining the “ideals it seeks to sustain” (Rhode, 490-491).
Early American Lawyers and the Rise of Character as a Professional Credential.
In early America, lawyers were unwelcome. The practice was viewed as unnecessary and even evil. The "Body of Liberties" of Massachusets Bay, 1641. Available here: BodyofLiberties, fascinatingly prohibits legal representatives from taking fees in section #26. Similarly, the Fundamental Constitutions of the Carolinas (1669), Carolinas, article 70 proclaims lawyering for money as "base and vile". Although it may be obvious,
Friedman argues that "As soon as... society posed problems ofor which lawyers had an answer..., layers bagan to thrive, despite the hostility.", here, but it is understandable that such animosity could have led to developing character and fitness standards. Alternatively, as the profession grew an wish to create entry barriers would be well served by character and fitness standards and professional requirement. A third explanation is that between 1800 and 1900 the class of men composing the profession shifted from the "elite" to middle class and business backgrounds (Friedman, linked above).
Exclusion from the Profession Outside the Realm of "Character and Fitness"
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<
< | Realistically, I did not expect to find ‘smoking gun’ evidence of social policymaking through character and fitness examination; the mere fact that historical bar exams were orally administered would likely prevent it. However, I propose that an interesting question exists of whether bar exam character and fitness standards tended to be more or less progressive than widely held norms of the time regarding race, religion, and potentially homosexuality. I find this question interesting because I can readily imagine reasonable arguments supporting both positions, and scholarship in the field is thin. | | |
Moral Character as a Professional Credential | | | Jason O. Billy
available here: RacistsattheBar | |
>
> | Alexis de Tocqueville, On Lawyers and Judges. Available here: Tocqueville, attaching a certain importance and conservatism to American lawyers. Interestingly, points out that "they entertain the same repugnance of the actions of the multitude [as the aristocracy]"
George Sharswood, An Essay on Professional Ethics (1884) (Used by Rhode), EssayonProfessionalEthics "the things we hold dearest on earth... we confide to the integrity of our legal counsellors and advocates. Their character must be not only without a stain, but without suspicion" | | | American Legal History. Hall, Wiecek, Finkelman. Oxford Univ. Press, 1006.
Legal Ethics, Fifth Ed. Rhode, Luban. Foundation Press, 2009. | |
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> | Sidebar of Related Projects:
The professionalization of legal practice and the varying element of public service in law
Frontier American Lawyers and Legal Practice
The rise of the law firm in America
Distrust and Animosity toward lawyers in early America (and perhaps related topics in Quaker tradition) | | | |
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AndrewMcCormickProject 3 - 04 Jan 2010 - Main.AndrewMcCormick
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-- AndrewMcCormick - 13 Nov 2009 | |
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< | This project is on early bar examinations, particularly character and fitness standards. | >
> | This genesis of my curiosity about character and fitness standards was an online article discussing whether excessive student debt could be a disqualifying character and fitness criteria. As colossal student debt loads are a recent phenomenon, character and fitness must be an evolving standard; further, as it is a mutable concept, judges and bar associations have room for significant interpretation. I suspect a(n) historical investigation of character and fitness examination would contribute to understanding the legal profession in America.
Realistically, I did not expect to find ‘smoking gun’ evidence of social policymaking through character and fitness examination; the mere fact that historical bar exams were orally administered would likely prevent it. However, I propose that an interesting question exists of whether bar exam character and fitness standards tended to be more or less progressive than widely held norms of the time regarding race, religion, and potentially homosexuality. I find this question interesting because I can readily imagine reasonable arguments supporting both positions, and scholarship in the field is thin. | | | Moral Character as a Professional Credential
Deborah L. Rhode | | | Jason O. Billy
available here: RacistsattheBar | |
>
> | American Legal History. Hall, Wiecek, Finkelman. Oxford Univ. Press, 1006.
Legal Ethics, Fifth Ed. Rhode, Luban. Foundation Press, 2009. | | | |
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AndrewMcCormickProject 2 - 09 Dec 2009 - Main.AndrewMcCormick
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> | -- AndrewMcCormick - 13 Nov 2009
This project is on early bar examinations, particularly character and fitness standards. | | | | |
>
> | Moral Character as a Professional Credential
Deborah L. Rhode
The Yale Law Journal, Vol. 94, No. 3 (Jan., 1985), pp. 491-603
available here: MoralCharacterCredential | | | | |
<
< | -- AndrewMcCormick - 13 Nov 2009 | >
> | The Troubling Rise of the Legal Profession's Good Moral Character.
St. John's Law Review, 2008 by Keith Swisher
available here: TroublingRise
Confronting Racists at the Bar: Matthew Hale, Moral Character, and Regulating the Marketplace.
Jason O. Billy
available here: RacistsattheBar | | |
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