ChaseLaxSecondEssay 4 - 18 Jun 2015 - Main.ChaseLax
|
|
META TOPICPARENT | name="SecondEssay" |
| |
< < | The Behavior of Social Control | > > | Business as Usual | | -- By ChaseLax - 19 May 2015 | |
< < | Beyond Law
In the initial chapters of The Behavior of Law, Donald Black conveys that “law” is simply one form of social control. While he primarily focuses on the direction and scope of law specifically, the author nonetheless notes that social control more generally is “the normative aspect of social life…the definition of deviant behavior and the response to it.” (emphasis added)
Black’s analysis of the law as a social phenomenon reveals troubling patterns regarding the functioning of communities; as it results from neatly drawn generalizations and propositions about the quantity of legislation, litigation, and adjudication, however, his insight produces a sense of inevitability and may lead one to discount the impact of individual motivation in effectuating the social realities that he describes. Part of the power of the piece stems from its insistence on not saying “[anything] about social life that is beyond a test of the facts,” but what happens when we apply the facts that Black uncovers to the variable expressions that constitute normative societal responses to deviant behavior? Analysis of these specific responses might reveal a truth that is even more discomforting than Black’s zoomed-out hypotheses: maybe individuals are implicitly aware and protective of the social dynamics that Black quantified. | > > | The readings I most enjoyed this semester were the excerpts from Lawyerland and The Behavior of Law, and, as a result, I felt most engaged in our class discussions concerning splitting and Donald Black’s sociological explanatory framework. While the insights of these works reveal enlightening, if not troubling patterns regarding the human subconscious and the functioning of communities respectively, they also risk intimating a sense of inevitability and may lead one to discount the impact of individual motivation. Consequently, I found Dean Lester’s email announcing the death of Jackson Alberts to be a jarring reminder that much of our social reality is shaped by personal value judgments. | | Not Simply Splitting | |
< < | When I read Dean Lester’s email announcing the death of Jackson Alberts, both the tone and substance of the message induced an all-too familiar feeling of emptiness. The cause of Jackson’s passing was never announced; nonetheless, five of my classmates committed suicide during my senior year of college, so I recognized the hollowness of statements like “We know we are united in mourning the loss of such a promising member of our community” and knew that the stress of exams would quickly override the momentary sense of shock. | > > | Though the cause of Jackson’s passing was never announced, both the tone and substance of the Dean’s message induced an all-too familiar feeling of emptiness; five of my classmates committed suicide during my senior year of college, so I recognized the hollowness of statements like “We know we are united in mourning the loss of such a promising member of our community” and knew that the stress of exams would quickly override the momentary sense of shock. | | | |
< < | Harkening back to our class discussion on the lack of human capacity to fathom tragedy, one might view our tendency to quickly move past student deaths as another example of splitting, a means of reconciling our inability to internalize great loss. Yet, more than a year removed from those five suicides, the news of one in particular, the athletically gifted and socially involved Madison Holleran, continues to reverberate. If we habitually repress reminders of events with which we cannot cope, why did Madison’s death command so much more attention from the community in its aftermath and why does it continue to today? | > > | Harkening back to our conversation on the lack of human capacity to fathom tragedy,
one might be tempted to view our tendency to quickly move past student deaths as another example of splitting. Just as the horrific events of September 11th resulted in years of litigation over insurance semantics, perhaps the lack of a lasting communal impact could be understood as a means of reconciling our inability to internalize great loss. Yet, more than a year removed from those five suicides, the news of one in particular, the athletically gifted and socially involved Madison Holleran, continues to reverberate. As Madison’s death commanded an immense amount of attention in its aftermath and continues to today, our usual, more apathetic stance must not be solely due to a habitual repression of reminders of events with which we cannot cope. | | | |
< < | A Clear Message | | | |
< < | Thinking about the loss of Madison and its social impact from Black’s angle, one could point to her radial location within UPenn’s community in order to explain the increased attention. In line with Black’s theory on centrifugal and centripetal social forces, an integrated victim who had connected with more individuals might logically garner more sympathy. In examining the nature rather than just the magnitude of the mourning over Madison, however, it becomes evident that other elements must have been highly influential. Instead of the non-descript announcement that was employed for the other suicides, the national news articles that covered the story underscored the fact that this student was “beautiful.” With the additional details of her athletic prowess and immense popularity, the clearly perceptible sentiment from the public reaction was that Madison was not the type of person who was supposed to want to kill herself. | > > | A Clear Message
Thinking about the loss of Madison and its social impact from Black’s perspective, one may point to her radial location within UPenn’s community in order to explain the increased attention. In line with Black’s theory on centrifugal and centripetal social forces, an integrated victim who had connected with more individuals might logically garner more sympathy. In examining the nature rather than just the magnitude of the mourning over Madison, however, it becomes evident that other elements must have been highly influential. Instead of the non-descript announcement that was employed for the other suicides, the national news articles that covered the story underscored the fact that this student was “beautiful.” With the additional details of her athletic prowess and immense popularity, the clearly perceptible sentiment from the public reaction was that Madison was not the type of person who was supposed to want to kill herself. | | The Implication | |
< < | The unfortunate converse of such a response is that it was not so unexpected for the other suicidal students to have that desire, and this implicit justification of the outsider’s plight became even more apparent in subsequent coverage of the incident. Many outlets began to focus more on Madison’s mental health issues, and others allocated the blame towards feelings of inferiority engendered by social media. Regardless of the proffered explanations, the societal insistence that something had gone wrong in this case and the prolonged effort to deduce what exactly that was suggests that not only do we condone and accept Black’s insight on the relative value and importance of individuals on the periphery, but also that we actively seek to preserve the dynamic of what a particular status within a community entails. | > > | The unfortunate converse of such a response is that it was not so unexpected for the other suicidal students, like the more eccentric Elvis Hatcher or reclusive Josh Singh, to have that desire, and this implicit justification of the outsider’s plight became even more apparent in subsequent coverage of the incident. Many outlets began to focus more on Madison’s mental health issues, and others allocated the blame towards feelings of inferiority engendered by social media. Regardless of the proffered explanations, the societal insistence that something had gone wrong in this case and the prolonged effort to deduce what exactly that was suggests that in spite of the typical reminders of the availability of mental health counselors following a suicide, maybe schools are not that interested in figuring out why their students are killing themselves in the first place. Boilerplate acknowledgements of student suicides bereft of any meaningful institutional reflection or change is simply, in effect, an affirmation of the low relative value and importance of certain types of individuals.
A Disturbing Trend | | | |
< < | “Unprofessorial” | > > | Crucially, not only does this implicit personal value judgment stigmatize specific individuals, it preserves the notion of what a particular status within a community entails, potentially preventing students like Madison from seeking out any help that is available, lest they become a victim of the same societal inferences and associations. Unfortunately, this dynamic is also inherently cyclical, as the more we ostracize and discount the worth of those on the periphery, the greater the pressure to fit in, suppress any sense or appearance of vulnerability, and further distance oneself from those who are already isolated. Unsurprisingly, therefore, according to the American College Health Association, the suicide rate among young adults has tripled since the 1950’s. | | | |
< < | This maintenance and reinforcement is also apparent in regards to other societal forces detailed by Black, such as etiquette. The author states that etiquette varies directly with stratification and that higher ranking individuals have more of it, but explains that the pattern inverts when individuals from varying status-layers intermingle. How, then, can we reconcile this theory with societal responses to episodes like Ben Edelman’s infamous harassment of a family-owned Chinese Restaurant? Does the fact that the Harvard Professor’s petulant emails resulted in viral outrage cut against Black’s findings? Although the sociologist’s work predicts that society would be more outwardly tolerant of Edelman’s conduct, the conclusion of the conflict, a mere apology, lends some credence to Black’s propositions concerning downward versus upward etiquette. | > > | A Potential Explanation | | | |
< < | The existence of that extra social control in the form of the public backlash remains noteworthy, however. Once again, the societal response works to reinforce notions of how members of a certain status and vertical or horizontal location should behave, turning an incident that might effectively blur these lines into one that preserves predilections and accentuates stratification within society. | > > | Various commentators have remarked that Millennials, more so than previous generations, possess an inherent fear of failure. Though the existence of such fear may be indisputable, the epidemic may not just be attributable to a higher innate presence of risk-aversion due to increased student loans, artificially protected levels of self-esteem, and a shrinking market for job opportunities; perhaps this fear has developed, at least in part, as a natural outcrop of how society in general consciously treats and values its members that have ostensibly failed to integrate themselves within a community. Whether we are faced with a withdrawn, suicidal college student or even a homeless person resigned to sleeping on the street and begging for quarters outside of Appletree Market, our propensity to continue on matter-of-factly cannot simply be explained through convenient dissociation or de-psychologized social processes. While these mechanisms may be at work, they are driven by unambiguous value judgments, a phenomenon that applies increasing amounts of pressure and suffocating force to both integrated and non-integrated university students alike. | | | |
< < | An Instructive Framework | | | |
< < | Moving forward, Black’s work can operate as a lens for viewing and assessing specific expressions of public sentiment and social control, and it only continues to gain utility as society becomes more highly stratified yet interconnected. Just above the recent ESPN article that featured a segment on Madison Holleran, for instance, the company announced the reinstatement of Britt McHenry? , a reporter who aroused public ire (but only received a one-week suspension) after the leaking of a video in which she verbally abused and demeaned a tow-truck company employee. Accordingly, while Stratification is the basis of Black’s detached, quantitative analysis, perhaps our qualitative societal responses are aimed at preserving it. | | | |
< < |
The best way to improve this draft would be to sharpen it, to figure out which idea is central, and to re-edit the draft to put that idea in front, developing it and discovering its implications, paragraph by paragraph. The present draft has an emotional center in its discussion of community response to student suicides, but an intellectual commitment to a discussion of Donald Black's schematic and de-psychologized form of social "explanation." They do not work terribly well whether with or against one another, so the essay at present achieves neither its full possibilities of emotional power or analytic clarity.
| | |
|
ChaseLaxSecondEssay 3 - 16 Jun 2015 - Main.EbenMoglen
|
|
META TOPICPARENT | name="SecondEssay" |
| |
< < | It is strongly recommended that you include your outline in the body of your essay by using the outline as section titles. The headings below are there to remind you how section and subsection titles are formatted. | | The Behavior of Social Control | | Moving forward, Black’s work can operate as a lens for viewing and assessing specific expressions of public sentiment and social control, and it only continues to gain utility as society becomes more highly stratified yet interconnected. Just above the recent ESPN article that featured a segment on Madison Holleran, for instance, the company announced the reinstatement of Britt McHenry? , a reporter who aroused public ire (but only received a one-week suspension) after the leaking of a video in which she verbally abused and demeaned a tow-truck company employee. Accordingly, while Stratification is the basis of Black’s detached, quantitative analysis, perhaps our qualitative societal responses are aimed at preserving it. | |
> > |
The best way to improve this draft would be to sharpen it, to figure out which idea is central, and to re-edit the draft to put that idea in front, developing it and discovering its implications, paragraph by paragraph. The present draft has an emotional center in its discussion of community response to student suicides, but an intellectual commitment to a discussion of Donald Black's schematic and de-psychologized form of social "explanation." They do not work terribly well whether with or against one another, so the essay at present achieves neither its full possibilities of emotional power or analytic clarity.
| |
|
|
ChaseLaxSecondEssay 2 - 15 Jun 2015 - Main.ChaseLax
|
|
META TOPICPARENT | name="SecondEssay" |
| |
< < | | | It is strongly recommended that you include your outline in the body of your essay by using the outline as section titles. The headings below are there to remind you how section and subsection titles are formatted. | | Beyond Law | |
< < | In the initial chapters of The Behavior of Law, Donald Black conveys that “law” is simply one form of social control. While he primarily focuses on the direction and scope of law specifically, the author nonetheless notes that social control more generally is “the normative aspect of social life…the definition of deviant behavior and the response to it.” (emphasis added) | > > | In the initial chapters of The Behavior of Law, Donald Black conveys that “law” is simply one form of social control. While he primarily focuses on the direction and scope of law specifically, the author nonetheless notes that social control more generally is “the normative aspect of social life…the definition of deviant behavior and the response to it.” (emphasis added) | | Black’s analysis of the law as a social phenomenon reveals troubling patterns regarding the functioning of communities; as it results from neatly drawn generalizations and propositions about the quantity of legislation, litigation, and adjudication, however, his insight produces a sense of inevitability and may lead one to discount the impact of individual motivation in effectuating the social realities that he describes. Part of the power of the piece stems from its insistence on not saying “[anything] about social life that is beyond a test of the facts,” but what happens when we apply the facts that Black uncovers to the variable expressions that constitute normative societal responses to deviant behavior? Analysis of these specific responses might reveal a truth that is even more discomforting than Black’s zoomed-out hypotheses: maybe individuals are implicitly aware and protective of the social dynamics that Black quantified. |
|
ChaseLaxSecondEssay 1 - 19 May 2015 - Main.ChaseLax
|
|
> > |
META TOPICPARENT | name="SecondEssay" |
It is strongly recommended that you include your outline in the body of your essay by using the outline as section titles. The headings below are there to remind you how section and subsection titles are formatted.
The Behavior of Social Control
-- By ChaseLax - 19 May 2015
Beyond Law
In the initial chapters of The Behavior of Law, Donald Black conveys that “law” is simply one form of social control. While he primarily focuses on the direction and scope of law specifically, the author nonetheless notes that social control more generally is “the normative aspect of social life…the definition of deviant behavior and the response to it.” (emphasis added)
Black’s analysis of the law as a social phenomenon reveals troubling patterns regarding the functioning of communities; as it results from neatly drawn generalizations and propositions about the quantity of legislation, litigation, and adjudication, however, his insight produces a sense of inevitability and may lead one to discount the impact of individual motivation in effectuating the social realities that he describes. Part of the power of the piece stems from its insistence on not saying “[anything] about social life that is beyond a test of the facts,” but what happens when we apply the facts that Black uncovers to the variable expressions that constitute normative societal responses to deviant behavior? Analysis of these specific responses might reveal a truth that is even more discomforting than Black’s zoomed-out hypotheses: maybe individuals are implicitly aware and protective of the social dynamics that Black quantified.
Not Simply Splitting
When I read Dean Lester’s email announcing the death of Jackson Alberts, both the tone and substance of the message induced an all-too familiar feeling of emptiness. The cause of Jackson’s passing was never announced; nonetheless, five of my classmates committed suicide during my senior year of college, so I recognized the hollowness of statements like “We know we are united in mourning the loss of such a promising member of our community” and knew that the stress of exams would quickly override the momentary sense of shock.
Harkening back to our class discussion on the lack of human capacity to fathom tragedy, one might view our tendency to quickly move past student deaths as another example of splitting, a means of reconciling our inability to internalize great loss. Yet, more than a year removed from those five suicides, the news of one in particular, the athletically gifted and socially involved Madison Holleran, continues to reverberate. If we habitually repress reminders of events with which we cannot cope, why did Madison’s death command so much more attention from the community in its aftermath and why does it continue to today?
A Clear Message
Thinking about the loss of Madison and its social impact from Black’s angle, one could point to her radial location within UPenn’s community in order to explain the increased attention. In line with Black’s theory on centrifugal and centripetal social forces, an integrated victim who had connected with more individuals might logically garner more sympathy. In examining the nature rather than just the magnitude of the mourning over Madison, however, it becomes evident that other elements must have been highly influential. Instead of the non-descript announcement that was employed for the other suicides, the national news articles that covered the story underscored the fact that this student was “beautiful.” With the additional details of her athletic prowess and immense popularity, the clearly perceptible sentiment from the public reaction was that Madison was not the type of person who was supposed to want to kill herself.
The Implication
The unfortunate converse of such a response is that it was not so unexpected for the other suicidal students to have that desire, and this implicit justification of the outsider’s plight became even more apparent in subsequent coverage of the incident. Many outlets began to focus more on Madison’s mental health issues, and others allocated the blame towards feelings of inferiority engendered by social media. Regardless of the proffered explanations, the societal insistence that something had gone wrong in this case and the prolonged effort to deduce what exactly that was suggests that not only do we condone and accept Black’s insight on the relative value and importance of individuals on the periphery, but also that we actively seek to preserve the dynamic of what a particular status within a community entails.
“Unprofessorial”
This maintenance and reinforcement is also apparent in regards to other societal forces detailed by Black, such as etiquette. The author states that etiquette varies directly with stratification and that higher ranking individuals have more of it, but explains that the pattern inverts when individuals from varying status-layers intermingle. How, then, can we reconcile this theory with societal responses to episodes like Ben Edelman’s infamous harassment of a family-owned Chinese Restaurant? Does the fact that the Harvard Professor’s petulant emails resulted in viral outrage cut against Black’s findings? Although the sociologist’s work predicts that society would be more outwardly tolerant of Edelman’s conduct, the conclusion of the conflict, a mere apology, lends some credence to Black’s propositions concerning downward versus upward etiquette.
The existence of that extra social control in the form of the public backlash remains noteworthy, however. Once again, the societal response works to reinforce notions of how members of a certain status and vertical or horizontal location should behave, turning an incident that might effectively blur these lines into one that preserves predilections and accentuates stratification within society.
An Instructive Framework
Moving forward, Black’s work can operate as a lens for viewing and assessing specific expressions of public sentiment and social control, and it only continues to gain utility as society becomes more highly stratified yet interconnected. Just above the recent ESPN article that featured a segment on Madison Holleran, for instance, the company announced the reinstatement of Britt McHenry? , a reporter who aroused public ire (but only received a one-week suspension) after the leaking of a video in which she verbally abused and demeaned a tow-truck company employee. Accordingly, while Stratification is the basis of Black’s detached, quantitative analysis, perhaps our qualitative societal responses are aimed at preserving it.
You are entitled to restrict access to your paper if you want to. But we all derive immense benefit from reading one another's work, and I hope you won't feel the need unless the subject matter is personal and its disclosure would be harmful or undesirable.
To restrict access to your paper simply delete the "#" character on the next two lines:
Note: TWiki has strict formatting rules for preference declarations. Make sure you preserve the three spaces, asterisk, and extra space at the beginning of these lines. If you wish to give access to any other users simply add them to the comma separated ALLOWTOPICVIEW list. |
|
Revision 5 | r5 - 29 Jun 2015 - 21:43:24 - MarkDrake |
Revision 4 | r4 - 18 Jun 2015 - 09:10:24 - ChaseLax |
Revision 3 | r3 - 16 Jun 2015 - 12:22:40 - EbenMoglen |
Revision 2 | r2 - 15 Jun 2015 - 22:31:27 - ChaseLax |
Revision 1 | r1 - 19 May 2015 - 00:41:34 - ChaseLax |
|
|
This site is powered by the TWiki collaboration platform. All material on this collaboration platform is the property of the contributing authors. All material marked as authored by Eben Moglen is available under the license terms CC-BY-SA version 4.
|
|