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< < | False Feedback Systems and Credence in Online Reputation | > > | What Remedies Remain for those Rebuffed by Reputation Ratings? | | | |
< < | Proxies are inherently imperfect, and those imperfections can encourage manipulation. A strong reputation merely correlates with desirable attributes; it is not a perfect proxy for those attributes. As a result, there is a danger that increased reliance on individuals’ reputations for sorting purposes will prompt individuals or firms to overinvest in actions that will improve their reputations, such as pandering for or attempting to buy approval. While this kind of activity may boost feedback ratings, it has the potential to degrade the very essence of a reputation-rating resource – quality and accuracy. For this reason, rating firms like Yelp and eBay have devoted substantial resources to trying to punish firms that employ these tactics eBay, Upcoming Changes to Feedback. | > > | This inquiry seeks to examine how the law recently has been found an improper vehicle to address the grievances of the victims of reputational ratings systems as well as some possible responses that could help alleviate the discomfort experienced by potential plaintiffs as a result of these new rating mechanisms. | | | |
< < | It is sometimes tempting to use the imperfections in feedback systems as a basis for rejecting their use, but one cannot contrast the occasionally flawed information that an eBay-style reputation tracking mechanism can generate with a world of perfectly accurate information about individuals because completely transparent data does not exist. | > > | A. The 1st Amendment permits any statement in the form of an opinion; ratings websites are constitutional | | | |
< < | I'm not sure I know what
the sentence means, but if I understand it overall, you are saying
that people too easily dismiss feedback systems because the errors
they make appear obvious, but no system of reputation is perfect. If
that is indeed what you mean, I don't know what "transparent data
doesn't exist" means.
However, because most feedback providers are sincere and because various algorithms can help the owners or users of these sites weigh the feedback provided by reviewers who have proven their reliability, the accuracies in reflections are quite high.
This doesn't make sense
to me. Whether people are sincere in the opinions they express in
feedback systems doesn't tell me at all whether the information they
are purporting to convey is accurate. That there are "various
algorithms" applied to the feedback provided is not any kind of
encouragement to believe in its accuracy, either. One would be
inclined to ask, what algorithms, and why do they make the data more
accurate?
Therefore, there exists an inherent whistle-blowing mechanism that will deter excessive investments in reputation – namely the fact that overreliance on particular proxies might contribute to their deterioration as a signal of quality.
Why is this rather
obscure proposition a consequence of the prior propositions, which
were themselves not too securely put together?
The reader has not yet been presented with any concrete information.
The reader doesn't know what the thesis of the essay is overall. But
he or she has discovered that the logic presented appears rather
shaky and the work of getting the meaning out of the sentences
provided is hard. Any such reader, not coerced to continue, will
simply give up.
You have to provide us, first, a succinct statement of some idea that
will make us want to continue reading. Second, a development of that
idea from its essence to some of its consequences and the answering
of some likely useful objections, that we can follow without unduly
taxing our patience or our willingness to work things out for
ourselves. And third, sufficient concreteness, or relation to the
world of digital activity around us, that we can judge how you are
interpreting the technology, in relation to whatever law and politics
you are discussing.
Despite any perceived inadequacies in the above system, the government has declined to become involved in removing or regulating the falsities in these reputational feedback systems. There are market actors with substantial comparative advantages over the government, and they are already doing a fine job of making new information available to the public. In these settings, the government’s role may be most properly confined to facilitating the adoption of uniform standards so that information can be aggregated easily from among a number of different websites, and reputations can be transported from one site to another See generally Nolan Miller et al., Eliciting Informative Feedback: The Peer-Prediction Model, 51 Mgmt. Sci. 1359 (2005)? .
Recent case law has similarly discouraged governmental involvement in the generation of scores or ratings. For example, Browne v. Avvo, Inc. Browne v. Avvo, Inc., 525 F.Supp.2d 1249 (2007)? involved a website that rates lawyers, Avvo.com. The website aspired to do for attorneys what Yelp did for restaurants – provide consumers with information they could use to find a suitable lawyer and collect evaluations from fellow attorneys and clients. However, within ten days of its launch, Avvo was sued in a class action by attorneys alleging that Avvo had violated Washington State’s Consumer Protection Act Washington Consumer Protection Act, Rcw 19.86.020? by disseminating unfair and deceptive information about lawyers who were rated by the site.
More precisely, the complaint faulted Avvo for being subjective and unreliable; providing questionably low numerical ratings to highly regarded lawyers; using a non-transparent methodology for developing lawyer ratings; and providing incomplete information. Plaintiff Browne was an attorney who claimed to have lost two clients due to a poor Avvo.com rating that was tied to his admonition in a state bar disciplinary proceeding against him John Cook, Respected Lawyer Wants Rating Site Avvo Closed, Seattle Post Intelligencer, June 12, 2007? .
Avvo moved for dismissal, arguing that its’ services were protected by the First Amendment and that the plaintiffs had failed to state a claim under Washington’s Consumer Protection Act. The district court granted the motion for dismissal on both grounds. If Avvo were liable for its conduct, then under similar logic, Yelp could be liable for unfavorable restaurant reviews that resulted in a poor rating, AngiesList? could be liable to independent contractors that were poorly reviewed for construction projects and lost future bids for household repairs, and eBay may be liable to vendors that could not make sales due to poor feedback ratings.
Of course, removing the possibility of liability in cases where inaccurate feedback is reported on a ratings website creates the potential danger of diminishing the quality of the published feedback, similar to the risk of declining quality in newspaper reporting that might occur if defamation was eliminated. However, the decline in the quality of ratings and information would not be inevitable; it would depend on whether market forces were in place to provide adequate incentives to keep the information on reputation ratings sites generally accurate.
The court likely made the correct determination in Avvo because individuals like Browne who believe that false information was disseminated about them have a right of reply – an ability to explain why they believe they received inappropriate ratings from a website or a complaining consumer. This right of reply is already built into most consumer feedback systems. Just as Congress enacted §230 of the Communications Decency Act Communications Decency Act, 47 U.S.C. §230? to avoid chilling internet discussion, courts are providing immunity against tort suits stemming from unflattering ratings, so long as the defendant offers the poorly rated individual or firm a right of reply similar to eBay’s. This rule permits a vendor to point out possible biases that formed the basis for an unfair rating.
But this ignores the
significance of the First Amendment ruling, which is absolutely
straightforward and completely fatal to the tenor of this argument.
The holding is, of course, that the website is nothing more than a
collection of opinion, protected under the First Amendment precisely
because it is nothing but opinion. Judge Lasnik is able to see that
the pretense of "reputation" presented by such a site is utter
nonsense. Rumor when accumulated is not the same thing as
reputation, and Judge Lasnik assumes, perhaps incorrectly in view of
the remainder of your analysis, that everyone is able to tell the
difference on sober second thought.
The cardinal error in these analyses of feedback "systems" as
"reputation markets" is that no one in these so-called markets has
to bet with real money. The whole point of the thing is that it's a
pretend market in which all transactions are conducted in an
infinitely inflatable currency. If, on the other hand, people had
to pay money to create these "opinions" or "feedbacks," or whatever,
only two classes of commentators would predominate: those who had a
significant material incentive to boost the rated entity, or those
who had a significant monetary or personal motive to harm it. So
the votes cast in an actual "market" would be biased, while those
cast in a phony market are simply meaningless.
Marketmakers like these things, because unreliable gossip makes
people feel more comfortable in a market, regardless of whether any
actual information is being conveyed by the incessant chatter: no
one likes to eat in a silent restaurant, and muzak is played in
retail outlets the world over. Feedback bullshit is the retailing
muzak of on-line selling. "Business intelligence" systems like this
stuff, because you can spy on the people who use the forums, thus
better "knowing your customer" in an uncomfortably near-Biblical
sense.
But, as the shaky logic of your initial exposition tended to show,
it's difficult to make a convincing case for taking any of this
seriously, ever. If the point of your essay is to make that
argument, we need to take a hard look at how you mean to do it. If
you wanted the heroic assumption of this dubious premise, you should
have made the request at the outset, and showed us clearly what
valuable intellectual path would be traveled, to what interesting
and worthwhile destination, as a result of indulging the apparent
counter-factual.
And in the end, is the real purpose of all this to tell us why
government should not interfere in the free exchange of gossip and
unsubstantiated opinion? Against the background of the First
Amendment, this is—as the judge says quite vigorously in the
very case you seem to rely upon—this is all but tautological. | > > | In Browne v. Avvo, Inc., 525 F.Supp.2d 1249 (2007), the plaintiffs primary challenge was to the accuracy and validity of the numerical rating system used by Avvo to compare attorneys. However, the court held that the opinions expressed through the rating system were absolutely protected by the First Amendment and could not serve as the basis for defamation liability. The key issue was whether the challenged statement could reasonably have been interpreted as stating actual facts about the plaintiff. Hustler Magazine, Inc. v. Falwell, 485 U.S. 46, 50 (1998). | | | |
< < | I think we need to catch and clarify the underlying idea from which
you are working. | > > | The Ninth Circuit developed a three-part test for determining whether a reasonable factfinder could conclude that the offending statement implies an assertion of objective fact: 1) whether the general tenor of the entire work negates the impression that the defendant was asserting an objective fact, 2) whether the defendant used figurative or hyperbolic language that negates that impression and 3) whether the statement in question is susceptible of being proved true or false. Partington v. Bugliosi, 56 F.3d 1147, 1153 (1995) (citing Unelko Corp. v. Rooney, 912 F.2d 1049, 1053 (1990)). | | | |
< < | | > > | In these types of situations, it appears the courts are looking to determine whether a reasonable person would understand that two people looking at the same underlying data could come up with vastly different ratings depending on their subjective views of what is relevant and what is important. Website ratings would only be found liable if the information or language used on the website would lead a reasonable person to believe that the ratings were a statement of actual fact, rather than opinion. This leaves potential plaintiffs with no practical legal recourse, yet the persistence of cases being brought under similar claims may implicate a need to address the issue in some other manner. | | | |
> > | B. While the ratings websites are not illegal, there may still be some options for government regulations to cabin content and foster standards
In determining a course of action, private organizations or the government would need to take care to preserve the articulated First Amendment rights while balancing the objective of redress. Private systems will likely have less utility because they are too easily manipulated by money and bias. Government regulation can step in, but needs to be carefully crafted to provide a supportive structure that doesn’t abridge the content.
1. Risk of payment/motives will not work in a private feedback system:
- The cardinal error of "feedback systems" as "reputation markets" is that no one in these so-called markets has to bet with real money; all transactions are conducted in an infinitely inflatable currency. If, on the other hand, people had to pay money to create these "opinions" or "feedbacks," only two classes of commentators would predominate: those who had a significant material incentive to boost the rated entity, or those who had a significant monetary or personal motive to harm it. So the votes cast in an actual "market" would be biased, while those cast in a phony market are simply meaningless. See Eben Moglen.
- An example to corroborate this premise can be found in ZL Techs, Inc. v. Gartner, Inc., 709 F.Supp.2d 789 (2010). ZL Techs claimed that Gartners placement of vendors was biased and that purchasing time with a Gartner analyst allowed vendors to obtain information that help it to improve its rating. This understanding caused ZL to take the position that, "When Gartner expresses a favorable opinion of a particular vendor that has paid the company substantial fees, Gartner is not performing an independent analysis but making a self-interested statement about a business partner." Id. The money invested into this reputational feedback system disturbed the ratings, and arguably, diminished the utility of the system as a whole.
2. Proper role/actions for government may be to construct regulations that foster transferability:
- Private market actors are already doing a fine job of making new ratings information available to the public. In these settings, the government’s role may be most properly confined to facilitating the adoption of uniform standards so that information can be aggregated easily from among a number of different websites, and reputations can be transported from one site to another. See generally Nolan Miller et al., Eliciting Informative Feedback: The Peer-Prediction Model, 51 Mgmt. Sci. 1359 (2005). This will increase the utility of the ratings systems because a true consensus will emerge, and the separate rating engines would not cooperate or collude.
3. Another promising option would be a government-mandated right of reply:
- Just as Congress enacted §230 of the Communications Decency Act, 47 U.S.C. §230 to avoid chilling internet discussion, courts are providing immunity against tort suits stemming from unflattering ratings, so long as the defendant offers the poorly rated individual or firm a right of reply similar to eBays. Specifically, in Avvo, the Court placed much significance on the fact that individuals like Browne who believed that false information was disseminated about them had a right of reply -- an ability to explain why they believe they received inappropriate ratings from a website or a complaining consumer. This right of reply is already built into most consumer feedback systems, but to increase potential plaintiffs sense of vindication, the government could mandate that this be a part of every ratings website. This rule permits a vendor to point out possible biases that formed the basis for an unfair rating or blatantly refute the rating and provide countering evidence to support their position.
4. Finally, the government could require that the websites list the particular discrepancies that led them to that rating (like MI currently requires as part of a defamation claim):
- Various privileges have arisen from the protections offered by the First Amendment including the absolute privilege accorded to statements of opinion, which even if made maliciously or insincerely, do not give rise to a libel cause of action. However, Missouri recognizes one exception to this general rule -- the privilege does not apply when the statement of opinion implies the existence of undisclosed defamatory facts. See Castle Rock Remodel, Inc. v. Better Business Bureau of Greater St. Louis, Inc., BL 282687 (2011) (citing Ribaudo v. Bauer, 982 S.W.2d 701, 704 (1998)). The FDIC could issue regulations or Congress could pass legislation to require the same thing that Missouri does, disclosure of all relevant defamatory facts. This would be particularly helpful to potential plaintiffs who would feel more accurately portrayed and have a better understanding of the origin of the rating. It would also permit subscribers to make their own opinions based on those facts, instead of relying on the ratings and opinions of the site exclusively. | |
You are entitled to restrict access to your paper if you want to. But we all derive immense benefit from reading one another's work, and I hope you won't feel the need unless the subject matter is personal and its disclosure would be harmful or undesirable. |
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